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THE 

HISTO RY 

OF 



CHICHESTER. 



THE 

History of Chichester; 

INTERSPERSED WITH 

Various Notes and Observations 

ON THE 

EJRL'Yaml PRESENT STATE of the CITY, 

The most Remarkable' Places in its Vicinity, 

And the COUNTY -of SUSSEX in GENERAL : * 

WITH AX 

APPENDIX; 

Containing the CHARTERS of the CITY, at three different Times/ 

ALSO AN 

Account of all the Parishes in the County, 

THEIR NAMES, PATRONAGE, APPROPRIATIONS, VALUE IN Till 
king's BQOKS, FIRST-FRUITS, &C, 

DEDICATED, BY P EF M ISSIONj 

To JFILLIAM H4YLEY, Esq). 

11 Non de Viiiis, domibusque aKenrs; 
« -■ " ■ — Sed qaod magis ad nos 

Pertinet, et nescire malum est, agitamus," — Horac-8* 

{< Art must to other works a lustre lend, 
But History pleases, howsoe'er 'tis penn'd." 

HAYLE-i's.Eisay on Hist. p. 72, 

By ALEXANDER HAY, a. m. 

Mi - 

Vicar of Wisborough-Green, and Chaplain of St! Mary's Chapel in this City< 

Printed and sold.by J. Seagrave ; the Booksellers in the Cour* 
and by Longman and Co. Paterno5ter-Ro;v. Londpn, 
1801, 



^ 



yofcof 



To WILLIAM HAYLEY, Esqr. 

SIR, 

As several places of less note 
than Chichester, and whose antiquity is hut 
of yesterday in comparison, have long ago had 
their histories laid before the public ; and some 
of them by men of learning, I have often won- 
dered that the city of your nativity, a place of 
respectable rank among the sees and corpora- 
tions of the kingdom * whose antiquity the 
acutest investigator cannot perfectly penetrate, 
has never engaged the attention, and employed 
the labour of some person of literary eminence, 
to favour the public with its annals, and the 
vicissitudes of fortune which have happened to 
it at different times. The subject is of suffi- 
cient importance, and the theme respectable 
enough, to justify the undertaking, and if duly 
treated, to confer celebrity even on a Stowe or 

a Dugdale. 

I shall 



DEDICATION. 

I shall not trouble you, Sir, with any 
apology for my undertaking so arduous a task, 
a work of so great difficulty. I had for many 
years made enquiries on the subject, prompted 
thereto purely by private curiosity. The notes 
and memorandums I had made in conse- 
quence, I viewed with the partiality (perhaps 
the blind partiality) of a parent -> and con- 
cluded that if they could be ushered into light 
under the shadow of your name, they would 
meet with a favourable reception from the 
public. As you granted that permission, I 
have accordingly made the experiment, and 
trust that whatever credit or discredit may ac- 
crue to me, the public will give you the praise 
due to a generous action, Superior to the sordid 
reasoning of a contracted mind, you extended 
your protection to the helpless offspring of an 
unprotected parent, to say the least of it, and 
freely gave the passport of your name to a work 
whose professed object was to preserve many 
interesting particulars relating to a city of long 

established 



DEDICATION. 

established eminence, naturally dear to you, as 
the scene of your childhood and youth ; and 
more so as the sacred depository of the ashes of 
your ancestors. 

If on the perusal you find that I have 
thrown some light on the subject, I shall not 
think my labour misapplied : and should be 
highly gratified if in your estimation the merits 
of my essay overbalance its imperfections. 

That you may long live to delight and 
instruct mankind, is the sincere wish of 

Sir, 
Your obliged and obedient servant, 

ALEXANDER HAY. 

Chi^iester, Sept. 1SC4. 



PREFACE. 



PREFACE. 



A, 



BO UT twenty years ago I wrote a small pamphlet 

called " The Chichester Guide/' which by the favour 
of the public has undergone several impressions. On 
perusing it some time past I was concerned to find that 
in several instances the dates were not so correct as I 
wished them to be : and having referred to the authori- 
ties I had at first consulted, and others, I discovered 
the omission of many particulars, which might have 
been mentioned with propriety and advantage. After 
collecting some observations, and arranging them, 1 
found that they could not be contained in a common 
sized pamphlet, much less in the small publication 
mentioned. This circumstance first suggested to me 
the idea of raising from that imperfect performance, 
and more extensive sources of information, an history 
of the city from its foundation to the present time. — 
When a favourite object engages the attention, we are 

apt 



x PFEFACE, 

apt to overlook the difficulties that stand, arid the ob- 
structions that may be thrown in our way. 1 knew the 
suhject teas of consequence enough to engage the atten- 
tion of the public, if treated in a tolerable manner. I 
flattered myself that the information 1 had collected in 
the course of several years, was of some importance;, 
and I was unwilling that it should be entirely lost. I 
was arware that in the fulfilling such an undertaking, 
some difficulties would arise : nor did I expect they 
would be inconsiderable either in their nature or their 
number : and experience has convinced me that I was 
not mistaken. I have met with obstacles where 1 had 
no reason to look for any. 

In the former part of the time, that which pre- 
ceeded the coming of the Romans into Britahi, Chi- 
chester, like every other part of the island, zvas hid 
in darkness, which even their coming did not compleatly 
dispel. Jfter that period the history of the Brito/is is 
involved in that of their conquerors — that of any par- 
ticular place can be collected only by scraps and frag- 
ments from the general account of the historian. This 
zvas the case dining all the time of the Saxons ; and 
long after: for several centuries elapsed after the 
JYorman Conquest ere the light of history was strong 

and 



xi PREFACE. 

and diffusive enough to throw its hams on detached 
objects. 

It would, without doubt, have been more ac- 
ceptable to the public, and therefore more agreeable to 
me, could I have given a compleai and s at i factor]/ 
description of the city, and traced the annals of the 
principal inhabitants thereof in every period: but that 
the candid and intelligent reader will see was impossible. 
The memory of private men in general, does not sur- 
vive their personal existence more than two or three 

generations the hand of time soon obliterates the 

actions even of public characters, or they are but faintly 
remembered — and hardly can fame herself preserve 
those who were dear to her from the dismal gulf of 
oblivion. In this state of things it appeared to me 
that the most effectual way to convey to the reader the 
justest idea that could be obtained 3 both of the city and 
county, would be to lay before him the state of society 
and religion, and the progress of arts and sciences, in 
England at that time, thus snatching a ray from 
general history to illuminate the particular objects I 
had in view; mixed with as much local history as 
could be procured, at least as I could collect. If I 
have done this in a degree tolerably accurate, and 

thereby 



xii PREFACE. 

thereby enabled my readers to form a judgment, not 
greatly distant from the truth, of this antient metropo- 
lis of the South-Saxons, §c. during the dark ages, I 
have fulfilled my own honest intentions. I have done 
something, however inadequate to my wishes, towards 
elucidating the history of a place, which in antiquity 
is hardly inferior to any in the kingdom — in its dura- 
tion has experienced many vicissitudes of fortune, and 
more than once suffered the severest storms of fate. 

As the shades of night retired, and the light of 
historical information began to dawn here, I flattered 
myself that 1 should be able to avail myself of that ad- 
vantage : but, either for the reason mentioned before, 
or the imperfection of my knowledge in antiquity , found 
myself obliged to lean principally on general history, 
till I came within a century and a half of the present 
time. 

The style in the following pages, I am sensible, 
is far from being highly ornamented. I never approved 
of flowery periods in this kind of writing ; and now, on 
the verge of seventy years of age, am not more fond 
of them* 1 hope I may, without impropriety, plead 

my 

* The account of the Bishops is copied from the Mag. Britan. 



PREFACE. xiii 

my many constant avocations in extenuation of some 
imperfections: I mean my professional duty, both 
morning and afternoon, at the chapel of the blessed 
Mary in this city ; and the very irksome and labour- 
ous employment of teaching at a school, which my 
circumstances have rendered, and still render necessary. 

Throughout the whole truth has been my inva- 
riable object. Circumstances too many to be mentioned, 
and uninteresting to the public, have preserved my 
opinion from being warped by partiality, and drawing 
too flattering a representation of the object before me — 
if I have at all deviated from the triiili, it was done 
through an error of judgment, and not through par- 
tiality ; and far less from the despicable motive of 
lavishing adulation on any, either individually or 
collectively. 

Whatever errors or imperfections may belong 
to the undertaking, it is the result of many years occa- 
sional enquiry, made before 1 had any fixt intention of 
laying my poor gleanings before the public ; who will 
finally determine on the merits or demerits of the work, 
uninfluenced by any indirect commendations of mine, 
on the one hand ; or illiberal and unmanly attacks on 
the other, if any such should be made : as I have not 

resorted 



xiv PREFACE, 

resorted to the former, I will trust the justice of the 
public that the latter shall not operate to my prejudice. 
To acquire the approbation of the public in general, 
and particularly of those whose local' history I have 
undertaken to illustrate, would undoubtedly be agreeable, 
I may fail to obtain that, but I shall enjoy the consola- 
tion of knowing that I have done what I fairly could 
to deserve it. 



THE 



*7 

was laid before they came hither, and then fully 
inhabited * 

If the Britons had been duly united, when the 
Romans invaded the island, Caesar's laurels would 
have withered on his brow long before that people 
had reached their ultima thule. Had the chieftains 
or kings, dropping or suspending their quarrels and 
animosities, come forward with their clients and 
vassals, in support of their common interest, the 
defence of the country, no force that the Romans 
could have sent against them, could have brought 

O 3 CD 

them into subjection; for even as matters stood 
with them, though they were miserably divided, 
their invaders did not look upon Caesar's expedition 

c against 

* The inscription is— " Neptuno et Minervse templura, 
pro salute domus divinae, ex auctoritate Cogidubni regis legati 
Tiberii Claudii Augusti in Britannia.- Collegium Fabrorum, et 
qui in eo e sacris vel honorati sunt, de suo dedicaverunt ; donante 
aream Pudente Pudentini filio." 

IX ENGLISH. " 

The temple of Neptune and Minerva — erected for the health 
-and preservation of the imperial family by the authority of king 
Cogidubnus, the lieutenant of Tiberius Claudius Augustus in 

Britain. The company of artificers, with those who were 

ambitious of the honour of supplying materials, defrayed the ex- 
pence.— Pudens, the son of Pudentinus, gave the ground. 



i8 



against them a conquest. Tacitus says, he did not 
conquer Britain, but only shewed it to the Romans ; 
and Horace, the Roman courtier, in the time of 
Augustus, when Rome was in the zenith of her power, 
calls them, "invictos Britannes," the unconquered 
Britons. — And Lucan scruples not to say, " territa 
quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis/' — he ran in a fright 
from the Britons against whom he had gone with 
such mighty preparations of war. 

Vespasian was the first Roman who set foot in 
a hostile manner in that part of Britain called Sussex. 
This he did a. d. 47. His commission was to reduce 
the maritime parts of the country : which he effected 
without much difficulty, as they were more inclinable 
to commerce than war, and the force wherewith he 
was attended rendered all opposition hopeless. The 
temple of Neptune and Minerva, mentioned above, 
was built under his auspices. Claudius, on his re- 
turn to Rome had not only a land but also a naval 
triumph decreed him, for having conquered the sea 
• — i. e. for having crossed it in safety from Gaul to 
Britain. For which reason it was, no doubt, that the 
temple in Chichester was dedicated to Neptune. 



The 



*9 

The last expedition of Caesar against Britain 
was fifty-four years before Christ— ^that of Plautius 
was undertaken a. d. 46, as mentioned before. The 
intervening period was doubtless time sufficient for 
the Britons to have made this very obvious remark, 
that the advantages which Caesar had gained over 
them, were attributable solely to their divisions, and 
want of unanimity. They did not however make 
that inference : or if they did, the inveterate feuds 
of their princes predominated over the love of their 
country, and their desire of independence. For 
when Plautius came among them, he found them at 
as great variance among themselves as they were 
when Caesar left them : and it was not the business 
of the Romans to allay, but to aggravate these 
dissensions. 

To describe the manners, and delineate the 
character of the people of this country at this time, 
during the reign of Claudius, would be a work of 
conjecture rather than of historical information. If 
we suppose that some of them went to Rome, and 
learned the manners and customs of the imperial city; 
that many of them went into the army, and imbibed 
new habits aud ideas ; and that far the greater part 

c % of 



20 

of them remained at home, fixed to their native soif 
and primitive rudeness, we must conclude that they 
formed a very hetrogeneous people, strongly tinc- 
tured with vice, and therefore far removed from 
happiness. Caesar describes the Britons as a warlike 
people, who prized their liberty and independence 
above life itself. This character of them was true, 
to a certain degree, but perhaps not to so high a 
degree as he has represented it. Without meaning 
in the least to impeach the veracity of Caesar, which 
indeed is impregnable, still we may be allowed to 
think, that ( for a very obvious reason ) he has repre- 
sented the martial courage and power, both of the 
Gauls and Britons, in his Commentaries, in the 
fullest and fairest point of view. But however that 
may be, we cannot avoid supposing, that the checks 
which the Britons sustained, and the defeats they 
suffered from inferior numbers of their invaders, in 
great measure depressed their spirits, broke the 
ardour of their courage, and damped the flame of 
liberty which before glowed in their breasts ; for 
when Plautius was sent against them, he was suffered 
to land and march into the heart of the country 
without opposition. It is true Caractacus, prince of 

the 



21 



the Brigantes, Boadicea, the brave but unfortunate 
queen of the Iceni, and Galgacus the Caledonian, 
are honourable instances that the antient spirit of 
independence, was not wholly extinct in the country: 
but they form singular, and almost solitary instances 
of virtue and patriotism among the chief men: and 
had the national character, at that time accorded 
with the courage, and undaunted perseverance of 
these worthy persons, whose names are still dear to 
fame, the expedition of Claudius to Britain, would 
have covered him with disgrace instead of procuring 
him a triumph. I am not ignorant that Tacitus more 
than indirectly says, that the Britons were attached 
to the independence of their country; but he relates 
such circumstances concerning them as plainly prove 
the reverse. When Agricola attacked and subdued 
Mona, (the isle of Anglesea) he informs us that he 
had in his army ten thousand British soldiers, chiefly 
Belgians; by whose assistance it was that he was 
enabled to subdue the place : and that in his wars 
against the Caledonians, the army of Galgacus, in 
the last decisive battle was routed, and the country 
ravaged and depopulated in the most inhuman man- 
ner, by the same auxiliaries. The same may be said 

c3 of 



2-2 



of all the wars which the Roman generals,, Plautius, 
Ostorius, Agricola, and others, waged against the 
independence of this country ; the number of the 
Roman soldiers bore but a very small proportion to 
the whole, and often one third of what was called 
the Roman army consisted of British auxiliaries. 

• Several of our English historians also, in treat- 
ing of the affairs of this period, inform us that both 
the Celtic and Belgian inhabitants were attached to 
freedom, and steady votaries of independence. But 
we are instructed by Tacitus, that many of the British 
chiefs waited on Plautius on his landing, and ( instead 
of opposing his march) solicited the friendship of 
the Romans, promising to pay the annual tribute 
that Caesar had formerly assessed the district with : 
no proof of their magnanimity or independent spirit. 
And the vast number of subsidiary troops raised from 
the Belgians, and othor tribes, during the war tn 
Britain, until the whole island was subdued, will con- 
vince any unprejudiced person that their love of free- 
dom was notso great as these historians have alledged. 
Camden informs us that the Cogidubnus, men- 
tioned in the inscription, was king of the Regni ; 
that is, all Sussex, part of Surry^ and Hampshire— 

that 



23 

that he resided in the city, now called Chichester, 
and that he was called a friend and ally of the Roman 
people. From whence, as well as from other cir- 
cumstances, we may surely infer that he was tributary 
to the court of Rome; and owned obedience to the 
emperor. Resides, the inhabitants of this part of 
the island, ( the last emigrants of the Belgae ) were a 
trading people, and could not maintain foreign com- 
merce without the support, and far less in opposition 
to the Romans. We may therefore well conclude, 
that this city, and the whole district, of which it was 
the capital, continued in the hands of that peoples- 
till their final departure from Britain, A. d. 446, 



c4 CHAPTER 



24 



CHAPTER II. 

THE ROMANS LEAVE BRITAIN THE ERlTONS HARRASSED BY 

THE SCOTS AND PICTS CHOOSE VORTIGERN FOR THEIR 

LEADER WHO INVITES THE SAXONS TO COME TO THEIR 

AID COMING OF THAT PEOPLE INTO KENT, 



At that time, the Romans were greatly distressed 
by most dreadful incursions of Huns, and other 
barbarians, who broke in upon the empire. Attila, 
who stiled himself, not improperly, " The scourge 
of God, and the terror of man!" after laying waste, 
and utterly depopulating Thrace, Macedonia, and the 
fine countries of Greece, the nurse of science, and 
the favourite seat of the muses, attacked the western 
empire, .and entered Gaul, with an army of seven 
hundred thousand men. Here he met with opposi- 
tion, and a check at the battle of Chalons; on which 
he turned his arms against Lombardy, took and de- 
stroyed Aquileia, and several other places of impor- 
tance, killing the inhabitants, and demolishing the 

houses. 



25 

houses. From the Alp?, to within a few miles of 
the imperial city, all was terror and dismay, flight, 
burning, carnage, and general desolation! Rome 
was saved from becoming the scene of his fury, 
plunder, and massacre, by a solemn embassy sent 
to him from the emperor Valentinian III. and the 
promise of an annual tribute to be paid to nim ; on 
which he consented to conclude a peace with them, 
or rather a truce, and returned loaded with spoil 
and honour, to his own country, beyond the Danube, 
now called Hungary, Transilvania, &c. — To defend 
Rome from the imminent and immense danger which 
threatened it, when Atilla was ravaging Macedon 
and Greece, the legionary troops were recalled from 
Britain, and with them those British soldiers who 
had served with them as auxiliaries. No sooner were 
these removed, than the Scots and Picts again in- 
vaded the country ; the greatest part of which they 
over-run, marching as far as Lincoln, and marking 
their rout with carnage, and silent desolation ! The 
Britons, in the extremity of their distress and des- 
pondency, immediately applied to the Roman em- 
peror to send them succours to defend them from 
their merciless enemies — but as the Romans, at that 

time, 



26 



time, laboured under equal distress, their petition 
neither was, nor could be granted. From the de- 
sponding tenor of the letter, or rather supplication, 
which they sent to the emperor Valentinian III. we 
may learn the debasement of spirit to which they 
were sunk. Their letter was inscribed " The groans 
of Britain,'' and the contents of it were equally 
abject — "The barbarians (they said) drive us to the 
<e sea, and the sea throws us back on the barbarians ; 
" and we have only the wretched alternative of 
* f perishing either by the sword, or by the waves/' 
But their supplication was in vain. The ravages 
committed on the contient, were equally atrocious 
and sanguinary, and far more extensive than those 
in Britain. In number, the Britons were at least 
double to that of their invaders : and if their courage 
had not been paralized, if their spirit had hot been 
broken, and subdued by the state of slavery to which 
the Romans had reduced them, they would have 
been fully competent to their own defence, without 
invoking the aid of any other. From hence we may 
calculate the degree of degradation which slavery 
operates upon the minds of men ; what depression 
of courage it induces, and how low in the scale of 

society 



27 

society it reduces men, even in their own estimation! 
The Scots were conquered as well as the Britons ; but 
they were not, like them, subdued. They fell by 
the sword of the Romans and their auxiliaries ; and 
those who escaped from the sword of the enemy, 
fled to their mountains and glens ; though conquered 
disdaining to submit, and supporting themselves 
with the hopes of better days. 

The time that the Romans had possession of 
Britain, was nearly five hundred years, if we count 
from the expedition of Julius Caesar ; but if, with 
more accuracy, we reckon from that of Claudius, it. 
is only four hundred; during all which time, and 
especially the latter part of it, the Romans them- 
selves were a very corrupt, and degenerate people ; 
deeply sunk in every vice that can degrade and de- 
base mankind, and destitute of every virtue to re- 
deem their character as a people. Their own histo- 
rians, though they talk in pompous terms of the 
Roman virtue, when they come to particulars disgust 
us with a recital of the most enormous vices : at the 
same time that they applied the term of barbarians 
to the surrounding nations of the earth, were them- 
selves as deeply sunk in the barbarism of morals as 

any 



28 



any other. It cannot be supposed that the manners 
and morals of the Britons, their vassals, could remain 
pure and uncontaminated in the midst of so much 
depravity. It is true the Christian religion had been 
propagated and taught among them, more than two 
hundred years; and from the time of Constantine, 
(a. d. 311) was the prevailing religion of the state; 
And it is certain that where that divine system of 
ethics is taught, in its original purity, it must have 
an effect on the morals of those who embrace it; 
yet history bears irrefragable testimony that, even 
Christianity, all-powerful as it is, could not, at least 
did not, counterpoise the depravity of morals which 
prevailed in the Roman world, at the period last 
mentioned, nor (which is more to be lamented) 
preserve itself pure and uncontaminated from the 
general contagion.* Gildas, the British historian, 
who wrote at that time, in pourtraying the lineaments 
.of his countrymen, has at the same time, transmitted 
to us tfie features of the original, from whence that 
character was drawn. " Evil was called good, and 
" good evil. To be lewd was thought honourable; 

" to 

* Ammianus'Marcellinus, Theodoret, Athanas." torn 1.' 
Joxtin's Remarks on ftccles. History. Moshiem. 



2 9 

" to be virtuous, disgraceful. Being blind them- 
{C selves, they became haters of light ; and the mea- 
ic sure of their actions was what was most pleasing 
" to their inclinations. All things are transacted 
i( contrary to the public welfare and safety ; not 
u onlv of the laity, but also of the clergy ; and they 
" who ought to be examples of virtue, often prove 
" the ringleaders of vice \" 

When the Romans quitted Britain, they left 
the miserable inhabitants like a body without a head : 
they had lost the animating and directing principle, 
which moved and regulated all their actions : for 
it is to be remarked that when they had reduced the 
people to silent and uncomplaining subjection, all 
the former authorities ceased, or rather were super- 
seded by their conquerors. Those of the Belgian 
in Habitants, we may suppose were the last to be 
wrested from them. But even those had long, very 
long, sunk under the stern rod of power. " Driven 
" to despair by the formidable power of the Caledo- 
u nians, ( says an English historian ) and the refusal 
" of assistance from the continent, the Britons knew 
'•' not, for some time, in what manner to act : but 
Ci at length they resolved to disclaim all connection 

" with 



3° 

c with Rome, and to form themselves into an in- 
€ S dependent state. They accordingly, several times, 
" elected a king, and as often hurled him from the 
* 6 throne. The names of their monarchs are insig- 
iC nificant; their actions as sovereigns, immaterial 
*' and uncertain. They were elected, for some time 
e£ adored, and then set aside. Affairs were now be- 
" come desperate ; and the Romans, who resided in 
" Britain, being persuaded that all resistance against 
" the Caledonians would be in vain, buried their 
a treasures, and fled for safety to the continent. — 
(C The refusal of all assistance from Rome, threw the 
" Britons into a state of absolute despair ; instead of 
" taking measures for repelling the invaders of their 
" country, they fled for shelter to their woods and 
tc mountains, neglected the cultivation of their land, 
* and for some time sought a livelihood from 
'? hunting/' 

Among the number of their kings was Vorti- 
gern, who obtained his authority by murthering his 
predecessor, (a. d. 449) and though stained with 
every vice, for some time governed the degenerate 
Britons. This unwarlike leader, instead of rousing 
and animating the people to defend their country, 

which 



3i 

which they were well able to have done, had they 
but had courage to attempt it, invited the Saxons, a 
ferocious people, inhabiting from the mouth of the 
Rhine to Jutland, to come into Britain, and defend 
the inhabitants from the ravages of the Scots and 
Picts. 

The result of this pusileanimous invitation is 
well known. In the year 450, the Saxons, to the 
number of sixteen hundred, under the conduct of 
two of their chiefs, Hengist and Horsa, arrived in 
Britain, and had the isle of Thanet appointed them 
for their station. With the assistance of this hand- 
ful of men, Vortigern obtained an easy victory over 
the undisciplined Caledonians, recovered the booty 
they had taken, and forced them to fly to their own 
country. This gave the Saxons a very mean opinion 
of the Britons, and shewed them their own superio- 
rity. Therefore on various occasions they invited 
over a great many more of their countrymen, Saxons, 
Jules, and Angles ; who came with their wives and 
families — a convincing proof that they did not in- 
tend to leave a country where they had got so firm 
a footing. In 451 or 452, Vortigern married 
Rowenna, the daughter of Hengist; a very inauspi- 
cious 



32 

clous circumstance for the Britons. To Hengist, 
Vortigern ceded and gave up the whole county of 
Kent, for his possession ; who continued to bring 
over ma|iy more of his countrymen, and at length 
purposely sought to bring on a quarrel with the 
Britons, that he might seize upon the whole, and 
force the inhabitants to relinquish the possession of 
a country they were unable to defend, and, in his 
opinion, therefore unworthy to enjoy. This he, in 
a few years, effected : but not so easily as at first he 
had reason to expect. Despair inspired a blind im- 
petuous courage; and the Britons, in the course of 
an unequal contest, manifested, on several occasions, 
a degree of firmness and intrepidity that the Saxon 
leader by no means looked for. Some of the English 
historians maintain, that if the Saxons had not been 
powerfully supported by the Scots and Picts, and 
numerous hordes of their own countrymen, the 
Britons would either have cut them ofTJ or forced 
them to return again. Upon this subject I cannot 
decide ; nor is it necessary. It is known that many 
thousand Saxons did migrate at this time, from their 
own country, and landed on the Kentish coast, and 
other parts of the island; whether for the purpose 

of 



THE 



HISTORY of CHICHESTER, 



CHAPTER L 

THE SITUATION, EXTENT, AND BOUNDARIES OF TTIE CITY 

WHEN FOUNDED THE ORIGINAL INHABITANTS; THEIR 

DESCENT MANNERS, AND WAY OF LIVING. THE COM- 
ING OF THE ROMANS INTO BRITAIN THE TIME WHEN 

TIIEY CAME FIRST INTO SUSSEX, &C. 



1 HE city oT Chichester is situated in an healthy and 
pleasant plain, in the western part of the county of 
Sussex; seven miles from the borders of Hampshire, 
which bounds it on the west, seven or eight miles 
from the line of the coast on the south, ten from 
the river A run on the east, and three or four from 
St. Roche's hill on the north — part of a range of 
hills, which reaches from the Arun to the county of 
Hants, or Southampton, and shelters the city and 
the whole plain where it lies, from the north-wind, 

b and 



and the rigour of winter. The plain, reckoning from 
Arundel in the east, to Hampshire west, and from 
the sea to the foot of the hills, which bound it on 
the north and north-east, contains 160 or 170 square 
miles of land, in the highest state of productive 
cultivation, mostly arable and meadow, including a 
very small proportion of pasture land. All this tract 
is refreshed by the sea breezes, which tend very 
much both to fertilize the soil, and invigorate the 
air,— It has been remarked, that less snow falls here 
than in any other place of equal extent in England ; 
occasioned by its being sheltered on the north and 
north-east by the hills, warmed from the south by 
the breezes from the sea; throughout the whole 
there is no stagnant water, and very . little cold 
marshy ground ; to which we may add that the soil 
is light, and dry; and regularly heated by a plentiful 
supply of the richest and most kindly manures. All 
these causes combine to render this spot a most 
eligible situation to reside on — the climate as mild 
as any in the kingdom, and as little subject to any- 
sudden change of weather. It is said that the west- 
erly winds prevail more than any other throughout 
England: in no place does this rule obtain more 

than 



than here — occasioned in great measure, by the 
direction of the tides in its neighbourhood, which 
on th£ main flow, uniformly from the west or south- 
west. The situation of the city is in 50deg. 52 min. 
north lat. and 42 min. west long, in space, or 2 min. 
4S sec. in time, from the meridian of London — from 
whirh it is distant 61 miles. 

The substratum, or ground, on which the city 
stands, is an hard gravel of irregular depth, the 
layer under which is a loose gravel, mixt with a 
coarse sand, and in some places containing many 
shells like those on the sea beach. No place enjoys 
better water, nor in greater abundance. The wells 
are of a moderate depth; many of them not more 
than three or four feet. The water pure, and almost 
as soft as river water. Besides which, the inhabitants 
are supplied with excellent spring water, brought by 
pipes from the spring on the Broile, not more than 
half a mile from the north-gate. A large reservoir 
of this water is kept close by the conduit, between 
the cross and the conduit, in the -south-street. This 
advantage of having good water the inhabitants can- 
not easily rate too high. In point of health, the 
difference between good and indifferent water is very 

b 2 great, 



great. As an article of culinary use the advantage 
of good water is almost incalculable. As a beverage, 
or a component part in every thing we drink, it is 
not less valuable. In all nephritic complaints, the 
use of bad water> such as is impregnated with much 
calcareous matter, or adulterated air, is highly in- 
jurious; as on the other hand, good water is equally 
salutary, and in some degree medicinal. 

The city is built on a small eminence, or 
rising ground, the cross being nearly, but not alto- 
gether, on the highest ground. The length of the 
north-street is 1320 feet, of 80 perches— the south- 
street 907 \ feet, or 55 perches — the east-street 
1105^- feet, or 67 perches, and the west-street the 
same measurement. The circumference of the 
whole within the walls being 6963± feet, or 422 
perches, of course it stands upon between 100 and 
101 acres, statute measure —The greater part of the 
parish of St. Pancrass, in the east, and the whole of 
that of St. Bartholomew in the west, is without the 
walls. 

At this great distance of time, it is impossible 
to ascertain the exact period when the city was first 
built. Before the coming of the Romans to this 

island. 



island, the inhabitants had no records ; nor for many 
centuries after is any light thrown upon the affairs 
of Britain, but what is derived from foreign histori- 
ans, chiefly Roman. It is the general opinion of 
historians, that this country was first peopled from 
the continent of Europe, namely from that part of 
France then called Gaul, which is opposite to the 
south-eastern coast of England ; and it is generally 
supposed that the Celiac w T ere the first people who 
migrated hither ; at what particular period it is not 
agreed. Some historians say eighteen hundred years 
before the christian ;era ; others not so high. But 
it is of no consequence for any useful purpose, to 
determine at what particular time a race of rude, 
uncivilized adventurers chose to fix their habitation 
in this island ; which was then, and many centuries 
after, both in appearance, in soil, and even in climate, 
a very different place from what it is now. 

The generality of writers evince a strange pro* 
pensity to trace the origin of the people, whose 
annals they have undertaken to transmit to posterity, 
to the remotest ages of antiquity. But antiquity of 
descent can confer no real honour on any nation. 
The inhabitants of North America are not a less re- 

a 3 spec table 



spectable people than the Bedoins of Egypt, or the 
Arabs of Zara in Africa. The Celtas, who are with much 
probability, said to have been the first inhabitants of 
Britain, were descendants of Acmon, the son of 
Japhet, as the Belgas were of Gomer, likewise son of 
Japhet, and both grandsons of Noah. It is, I think, 
rio improbable conjecture (fori have no authority) 
that the first migration to Britain happened about 
the year of the w T orld 2300, or something more 
than eight hundred years after the flood ; about the 
time that the Israelites quitted the land of Egypt ; 
nearly three hundred years before the siege of Troy ; 
seven hundred and forty-six before the foundation 
of Rome, and se\en hundred and twenty-two before 
the first Olympiad. 

When the Romans first invaded this country, 
they found it fully inhabited: and, according to the 
Scottish and Irish historians, the population of both 
these nations was as high as the manner of subsist- 
ing themselves would bear. The principal part of 
their subsistance they derived from the chace. Cassar 
indeed, in his account of his expedition, relates that 
he sent out several parties to forage ; from whence 
\i would appear^ that they had some corn ; which 

must 



must have been principally rye and barley ; and 
perhaps some siligo, a species of wheat of an inferior 
kind; and that in no great quantity. Neither history, 
nor the analogy of reasoning, will bear us out in sup- 
posing that their agriculture was not most contemp- 
tible. According to the account which Caesar has 
left us of the Britons, when he came hither ( and his 
authority cannot be disputed) we must conclude 
that their knowledge of the arts was the least that 
can be conceived, and in the sciences just nothing. 
They wore no cloathing, but painted their naked 
bodies with woad, (vitro) both to defend themselves 
from the cold, and give them a terrible appearance 
in battle. He says they (the Belgae) had many 
houses or huts, which he calls aedificia, nearly the 
same as in Gaul; and these, the Roman historians 
inform us, were built of earth, and covered with 
turf. No other evidence than the authority of Caesar 
is wanted to convince us of the degraded state of 
society, in which the inhabitants of this country then 
lived. It is unnecessary to compleat the description 
of the national character at such a period, When 
they were not civilized enough to feel the propriety 
cf cloathing their bodies, it would be useless to 

B 4 loo& 



s 



look for any refinement of sentiment among them, 
any rational love of their country, or any domestic 
felicity. Their manners were as rude as the wave* 
that surrounded them, and their minds as uncultivated 
as the forests in which they ranged. The seeds of 
war and blood-shedding thev brought along: with 
them from the continent; they were deeply inter- 
woven in their political institutions; if it be not im- 
proper to call their barbarous usages by that deno- 
mination. Both the Celtae and the Belgae, from 
whom the Britons descended, consisted of three dif- 
ferent orders of men ; the principes, (chieftains) 
the equites, (gentlemen) who held of the former, 
and owed them fealty and service, and the servi, 
literally servants; but more frequently among the 
Roman writers, meaning bond-servants, or slaves. 
Their clans, or chieftains, maintained perpetual wars 
with one another; and no wonder, war, and nothing 
else, was reckoned honourable among them. The 
more ears of slaughtered enemies a man could show, 
so much the more was he esteemed. These senti- 
ments were hereditary among them ; they brought 
them with them; they were cultivated with fostering 
hand by the leaders, and great men ;, and they 

operated 



operated powerfully on the minds and manners of a 
rude and barbarous people; and prevented them, 
through many revolving ages, from listening to the 
silent voice of nature within them, and turning their 
attention to the endearing blandishments of peace. 
While we execrate the savage dispositions, and 
sanguniray practices of these men, let us reflect that 
they were the unhappy sons of unhappy fathers, un- 
happy ancestors — monsters by the necessity of cir- 
cumstances, more than in despite of their reason. 
While we reprobate the latter, we are induced to 
drop a tear over the hard fate of the former. Open 
and manly in their deeds of crueltv, each of them 
exposed his own life when he attacked that of his 
adversary. They fought in person, and not by 
deputies enticed or trepanned to risk their lives, and 
shed their blood in a cause in which they were not 
interested. 

While they remained in Germany, when any 
of them (the CeltaD and Belga? ) intended to migrate 
to any uninhabited or inhabited country, the chief- 
tains summoned their clients, with all their depend- 
ents, to accompany them in their intended expedi- 
tion. They elected one of their own body to be 

their 



their leader, and the conductor of the enterprize, 
investing him with supreme power, till the expedi- 
tion should be finished, and no longer. The same 
method they adopted when their country, (or their 
own demesnes) was invaded by an enemy. These 
leaders, Caesar and the Roman historians sometimes 
denominate kings, and sometimes princes ( principes. ) 
Their sovereignty resembled that of the Roman die 
tatorship — like that their power was absolute, tem- 
porary, and not permanent. Thus the Britons, when 
their country was invaded by the Romans, chose 
Cassivellaunus, and constituted him generalissimo of 
all their forces till the enemy thouid be driven from 
their coasts. So, in after times, they elected 
Vortigern to conduct the national force, and defend 
the country from the incursions of the Scots and 
Picts. 

It is necessary to observe, that the two colonies 
by whom this island was first inhabited, though 
sprung from the same stem, were of very different 
manners and habits of life, The Celtas or Cimbri, 
who made the first settlement, applying themselves 
to the pastoral system, in a course of years, perhaps 
ages, surmounted their original ferocity, and lived 

in 



11 



in peace and happiness. While the Belga?, a com- 
mercial people, betook themselres likewise to agri- 
culture, such as it was, and retained in great measure, 
that propensity to war, which they brought along 
with them. The former of these inhabited the in- 
terior part of the country, and the latter the sea- 
coast, and parts adjoining. 

By the historians above-mentioned, we are 
informed that the Britons traded with the Gauls; 
but we are not instructed in what that traffic con- 
sisted ; nor is it easy to conjecture of what articles 
it was composed. But whatever the articles were, it 
is most probable that their commerce was only barter. 
Money they had none ; instead of that they used iron 
rings, made to a certain standard. Of iron, before 
the coming of the Romans, they had very little, as 
we are informed by Cccsar; from which, and other 
circumstances, it appears very evident, that their 
agriculture was very imperfect, and far from ex- 
tensive. In their wars they used darts and javelins ; 
many of which, for want of iron, were shod with 
sharp flints, and some of them had their points 
burned and hardened in the fire : nor does it appear, 
from perusing the Roman historians, that any of the 

Britons, 



12 



Britons were armed with swords,, except a Very few 
of their chiefs. 

The interior part of the country was inhabited 
by the Celtae, the original inhabitants, who made 
the first settlement in the island. They are said to 
have been, when the Romans came first into Britain, 
a quiet, peaceable people, occupied wholly in the 
care of their flocks and herds. Our historians say, 
( and the account seems probable ) that in their first 
settlements on the coast, the Celtae were succeeded 
by the Belgse, who came likewise from Gaul : and 
being too numerous in their own country, and un- 
able to subsist, came to Britain in great numbers, 
and either expelled the others from their habitation, 
or occupied the maritime parts along with them, 
and became one people. 

It is probable that the foundation of Chichester 
was laid either by the Celiac, or this mixt people, 
to defend themselves from the encroachments of 
Succeeding emigrants; but, it is impossible to ascer- 
tain the time when this happened. That it was be- 
fore the Romans invaded England we shall see by and 
by. But those collections of habitations which our 
historians have dignified with the name of cities, 

were 



*3 

were no other than a number of huts built near one 
another, without order or regularity. A number of 
these huts surrounded with thick mounds of earth, 
covered with felled tress, and ditches of water on 
the outside, often of irregular depth, they have de- 
nominated fortified towns and cities. This descrip- 
tion of their habitations and cities, I have given on 
the authority of Tacitus, and the superior testimony 
of Cfcsar. Nor need wc wonder that their edifices 
were no better. In most parts of Europe architec- 
ture was not studied, nor would the sate of society 
admit of it. Even in Attica, at the beginning of the 
Peloponnesian war, the Athenians, by much the 
most polished people at that time in Europe, those 
who inhabited Diacri, took down their houses at the 
desire of Pericles, and erected them again within the 
walls of Athens, in order to avoid the ravages of the 
Lacedemonians, about 430 years before Christ. 

It is plain, from the account which Caesar 
gives of both his descents upon England, that he 
never set foot on that part now called Sussex. From 
Xennius, and other historians, it is evident that the 
place where he first landed could be no other than 
Dover; from hence he sailed with the tide to the 

northward, 



H 

northward, and landed again at Deal. From thence 
he pursued his rout by land, and crossed the Thames 
at the place now or lately call the isle of Dogs, near 
Greenwich, and proceeded still northward, till he 
came to the place now St. Albans. This was the 
residence of Cassivellaunus, the chosen leader of the 
Britons — a place strong, Caesar says, both by nature 
and art. It was taken by assault, and the inhabitants, 
and others found therein, put to the sword — the 
city plundered, and the country for several miles 
round, ravaged and burned. — After which he re- 
turned again to Deal, by the same rout he had gone 
thither, and from this last place returned to the 
Continent. Though the yearly tribute, which the 
Britons promised to pay the Romans, was very irre- 
gularly paid, they did not return again to reduce 
them to obedience and subjection, till the rei^n of 
Claudius, who assumed the purple, a. d. 39 or 40 y 
almost ninety years after Caesar's first expedition. 
During this period, many of the principal people 
among the Britons went to Rome; the seat of 
empire ; from whence, on their return, they brought 
with them the arts and sciences, known in Italy; 
and with them, the vices of a corrupt city, and more 

corrupt 



»5 

corrupt court. From the Romans, who first came 
among them, they learned the necessaiy Use of 
cloathing, to defend their bodies from the cold; 
and we may conclude, that they also taught them a 
better method of agriculture than they had hitherto 
practised; and in a little time introduced into this 
country, that species of wheat, called robus (red 
wheat) almost the only kind that was then, and for 
many years, cultivated in Italy, From Pliny, it 
appears, that they (the Romans) were no strangers 
to the Sicilian orTriticum (the white) but preferred 
the robus, as being the most productive. 

About the year 4j or 46 of the present aera, 
Claudius, the Boman emperor, sent Aulus Plautius, 
with a considerable armament into Britain, to reduce 
the refractory inhabitants to due subjection. Plau- 
tius defeated them in several engagements, partly by 
the superior discipline of the Romans, though then 
in its decline, but principally by means of the divi- 
sions which prevailed among the Britons. The next 
year Claudius followed his general ; and stayed in 
Britain not more than fifteen or sixteen days, during 
which time he sent Flavius Vespasian, the second in 
command under Plautius, into the maritime parts of 

the 



i6 



the country, to reduce the Inhabitants to subjection, 
Vespasian fixed his head-quarters at the place now 
called Chichester. The inhabitants of the western 
parts of Sussex were called Regni : what the name 
of the city was, does not clearlv appear. The 
scite of the Roman camp is plainly to be traced on 
the Broile near the city, to this day. The Roman 
general made Cogidubnus governor of the Regni, 
and honoured him with the title of king; and friend 
and ally of the Roman people. From one of the 
oldest inscriptions in England, which the workmen, 
in digging to lay the foundation of the council- 
chamber, dug up in 1731, it appears that a temple 
was built, on or near that scite, dedicated to Neptune 
and Minerva, in the reign of Claudius, the Roman 
emperor. The stone, with the inscription in the 
Roman character of that time, was a few years ago. 
and I believe is at present, at Goodwood, in the 
possession ' of the Duke of Richmond. It is well 
known that it was not the custom of that people to 
erect temples in solitary places, like the Druids, 
but in populous cities, and the most frequented 
places. From whence it will follow that the Romans 
did not lav the foundation of the city ; but that it 

was 



33 



of aiding Hengist, or to settle where they should 
find the least opposition, is immaterial. In the event 
they did join the former Saxon emigrants; and all 
the resistance which the unhappy Britons could make, 
though commanded by the brave Ambrosius, proved 
ineffectual 4 : they were conquered, and forced to 
seek an asylum from the merciless Saxons bevond 
the Severn, among the mountains of Wales, where 
their posterity dwell at this day. 



CHAPTER. 



94 



CHAPTER III. 

LANDING OF ELLA IN SUSSEX. THE SIEGE, CAPTURE AND 

DEMOLITION OF ITS CAPITAL STATE AND POPULATION 

THEREOF AT THAT TIME ELLA FIRST KING OF THE SOUTH 

SAXONS SUCCEEDED BY HIS SON CISSA — WHO REBUILT THE 

CITY. THE SOUTH SAXONS ATTACKED BY THE KINGS OF 

WESSEX, AND AT LAST SUBDUED BY EGBERT. THE ISLE 

OF WIGHT DESOLATED BY CEADWALLA. CONVERSION OF 

THE SOUTH SAXONS TO THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION. 



JN the year 477, another of these Saxon ach enturers 
Ella, and his three sons, Cymer, Wlecing, and Cissa, 
landed at West-Wittering, a small village, about 
eight miles south-west of Chichester. He soon made 
himself master of the adjoining coast ; but could not 
penetrate into the country, which was bravely de- 
fended by the inhabitants, who had now learned from 
the hard fate of their countrymen, that they had no 
mercy to expect from these ruthless marauders, if 
they submitted. The descendents of the last emigra- 
tion of the Belgians then inhabited Sussex, and part 

of 



35 

of Kertf. Their ancestors,, Caesar informs us, were 
the bravest, the most warlike tribe of all the Gauls. 
But they were no longer a warlike people. On their 
first settling in Britain, they turned their attention to 
trade and agriculture. They were greatly degene- 
rated ; and their former valour sunk under the Roman 
luxury and effeminacy. Notwithstanding which, it 
was some advantage to them that they still retained 
(in part at least-) the discipline which they had 
learned of that people, and despair and dire neces- 
sity made them valiant. 

Ella's first campaign, therefore, in Britain, 
was confined within a very narrow compass. With 
the forces which he first brought with him, he was 
unable to attempt the siege of the capital of the 
Regni, and it was with some difficulty that he main- 
tained the small footing he had gained. True policy 
would have dictated to the inhabitants, to have at- 
tacked him with vigour and unanimity, before he 
received reinforcements either from Hengist or from 
Germany. Early in the summer 478, the succours 
which he had sent for, arrived in great numbers. 
By whose assistance he extended his conquests, com- 
mitting the most horrid depredations, and murther- 

d 2 . ing 



36 



ing the inhabitants in the country; while they who 
could escape, fled within the walls of the city for 
sanctuary. To make himself master of this was a 
matter of the greatest consequence to him ; being 
aware that if that were obtained, the whole country 
for many miles round, would submit of course. — 
Sometime in the year last mentioned, he formed the 
siege of it ; but met with the most resolute and de- 
termined opposition. The Britons exerted all their 
strength in defence of this important place^ which 
was at once their magazine, their principal emporium, 
the center of their wealth ; and in the preservation 
of which, above all, their lives were included. They 
harrassed the besiegers by throwing missiles at a dis- 
tance, forming sorties, and cutting them off by sur- 
prize, to such extent, that the Saxon leader found 
it impossible to reduce it, till he sent for a second, 
and still more numerous reinforcement — which ar- 
rived in the year 480. All resistance was now hope- 
less on the part of the besieged. The city was taken 
by assault ; and Ella, in revenge of the obstinate de- 
fence the Britons had made, (though it does not 
appear that he had ever offered them any terms) 
ordered all the inhabitants to be put to the sword, 

without 



37 



-without any distinction of sex or age — and almost 
demolished the city ! 

" Quis cladem illius nocris ; quis funera fando 
Explicet ? Aut possit Laehrymis a:quare laborcs ? 
Urbs antiqaa ruit, multos dominate per annos : 
Plurima perquc vias sternuntur inertia passim 
Corpora ; perque domos, et religiosa Deorum 

Limina. 

Crudelis ubique 

Luctus 3 ubique pavor, et plurima mortis imago. " 

VlKG, i^NEID. Lib. 2. 

" What tongue the dreadful slaughter could disclose ? 
Or oh ! what tears could answer half out woes ? 
The glorious empress of the nation* round, 
Majestic Troy ! lay levelled with the ground ! 
£Lt murder' d Datives crowded her abodes, 
Her streets, her domes, the temples of W Gods ! 
Death, in a thousand forms, destructive frown'd, 
And woe, despair, and horror rag'd around !" 

Pitt. 

From what has been premised, a probable con- 
jecture may be made of the state and population of 
the capital of the Regni before it was taken, sacked, 
and demolished by the Saxons. We have seen that 
it was a place of considerable resort, before the 
Romans came into these parts, and in all probability 
before they ever set foot in Britain. The houses 

d 3 indeed 



38 

Indeed were mean and irregular, and the fortifications 
no other than a mound of earth of no great height, 
covered with loose trees, and surrounded with a 
ditch of water, about five yards over, of very irre- 
gular depth. This was the state of the place when 
Vespasian first came into Sussex. Of the population 
of it, no certain opinion can be given. The inhabi- 
tants both of the city and country, were Belgians, 
or rather the posterity of the Belgse, a people de- 
servedly more favoured by the Romans, than any 
other tribe or denomination of the Britons whatever;' 
as it was by their aid, and powerful co-operation 3 
that those conquerors of the world were enabled to 
subjugate the island. When that was effected, they 
returned, many of them, to their homes, and applied 
themselves some to commerce, and others to the 
cultivation of the ground : in both which they were 
protected and patronized by the powerful arm of 
the empire. For the protection of their trade, and 
that of the Gauls, a fleet was constantly stationed at 
Gessoriacum (now Boulogne in France) to defend 
it. The natural effect of trade is an increase of pro- 
perty; as that increases, and men acquire the means, 
they enlarge the circle of their enjoyments, in their 

mannev 



39 

manner of living, their attire, their habitation, &c. 
It is not unreasonable to suppose that the capital of 
the Regrii, the friends and allies of the Roman people, 
the emporium of an active and trading people, the 
center of their wealth, the residence of their king, 
and afterwards of the propraetor, or governor of the 
province, on the melioration of their circumstances 
assumed a new and more improved appearance than 
it had done before. Their huts, which had formerly 
been built fronting in every direction, without any 
order or regularity, as convenience dictated, or as 
fancy prompted, assumed a more decent appearance; 
regularity succeeded confusion, and caprice gave way 
to system. Their houses, though far inferior to 
those of imperial Rome, were built in humble imi- 
tation of them ; and where circumstances would ad- 
mit, the same plan on a minor scale, was adopted. 
In point of strength and durability, not inferior to 
the modern edifices, but far inferior in utility, con- 
venience, and elegance. The fortifications round 
the city were raised to a very considerable height, 
and fenced outwardly with a strong wall, and round 
towers of flint and mortar, higher than the mound 
of earth. The irregular ditch, which surrounded the 

d 4 walls, 



40 

walls, was changed into a regular moat, of the same 
breadth as before. The number of the inhabitants, 
we may reasonably suppose, was very great before 
the coming of the Saxons: much more numerous 
than at any future period prior to the removal of 
the episcopal residence from Selsea hither, a. d. 1082. 
This may be inferred, as from other circumstances, 
so particularly from the vigorous stand it exhibited, 
and the noble, though unsuccessful defence the in- 
habitants made against the furious attack of the 
Saxon invaders, Time has obliterated the names of 
those brave Belgians who conducted the arms of their 
country men^ in opposing these savages, who de- 
lighted in war, and revelled in human carnage ! — 
While we heave a sigh over the hard fate of the be- 
sieged, with the same breath we proclaim the justice 
of their military operations in their own self-defence; 
for that war, and that alone, is just, which is under- 
taken in self-defence ! — -The government and police 
of the city, while it was in the possession of the 
Britons, continued the same as had been established 
at first by the Romans — what that system was, docs 
not very clearly appear; but no doubt can be made 
but it was planned after the model of Rome, as far 

as 



41 

as circumstances would admit * Fitz Stephens in^ 
forms us, (vide Stowe, p. 712) that Rome was di- 
vided into wards : from which a probability arises 
that the same regulation in Chichester, originated 
from that people. — After Ella had taken, sacked, and 
demolished the Regnian capital, and put the misera- 
ble inhabitants, that remained, to the sword, the 
other parts of the district submitted without making 
any opposition ; the greater part of the people fled 
where they could from the fury of the invaders. — 
After this, Ella took upon him the title of king of 
the South-Saxons; and on the death of Hengist, 
which happened about this time, was chosen to suc- 
ceed him as head of the Saxon confederacy : which 
dignity he possessed till his death, a. d. 504 or 505^ 
reigning in barbarous state, like a beast of prey in 
the midst of a wilderness, rendered solitary by the 
depredations of his own jaws, and the inmates of his 
den. Not that he was absolute* even in those do- 
mains which he called his own. The usage of the 

Saxons 

* By a census taken in the reign of Claudius, a. d. 4S, 
the inhabitants of Rome were found to be six millions, nine hun- 
dred thousand, and the circumference of the city about fifty of 
i)ur miles. Univ. Hist. 



4 2 

Saxons was very averse from despotic power ; they 
considered the person of their chieftain or koenig, 
as the most distinguished citizen indeed ; but sub- 
ject to the same laws and regulations as any other 
freeman. The lands they conquered by their sword, 
were divided between the chieftain and the other 
leaders : each leader allotted certain portions thereof 
to every freeman who followed his standard. By far 
the greatest number of them were slaves, the pro- 
perty of the freemen, as much as their cattle were. 
The proportion of land to each chief and freeman, 
was set apart to him, not by the koenig, but by- a 
jury of freemen. Every subordinate freeman, for 
the land he held under his leader, was bound to arm 
himself, and a stated number of freemen, in defence 
not only of the state, but on the requisition of his 
chieftain ; and to continue in the war till the time of 
his service was expired. After the union of the 
heptarchy, the chieftains themselves held their lands 
under the crown, by military tenure. 

Gfesa, the son of Ella, succeeded his father in 
the government of the South-Saxons; not that the 
Saxons had any idea of hereditary authority. In 
their own country, the chieftaincy among them was 

purely 



43 

purely elective: nor did they deviate any farther 
from that maxim during the time of the heptarchy 
in England, than what was occasioned by the power 
and influence of the chieftain in his life time, opera- 
ting in favour of his own family to succeed him in 
authority. This was precisely the case with Cissa,, 
who owed his elevation in the government, partly 
to the great power of his father, and partly to the 
influence which his own many good qualities pro- 
cured him among his countrymen, before the death 
of Ella. Being a person of a pacific disposition, un- 
like his father, he cultivated the arts of peace more 
than those of war. He repaired the walls and houses 
of the city ; and changed the name of it from the 
Roman appellation it had hitherto borne, to that of 
Ci^saester, from his own name. After ruling the 
South-Saxons seventy-four years, he died, a. d. 577, 
at the very advanced age of one hundred and seven- 
teen years ; being seventeen years old when he first 
accompanied his father to England. 

To describe the state of this city, at the death 
of Cissa, must be purely the work of conjecture ; 
and therefore I shall not attempt it, any farther than 
pbserving, that as Cissa made it the place of his re- 
sidence 



44 

sidence, we may suppose he would improve it as 
much as the circumstance of the times, and the 
genius of the people he ruled, would permit. But if 
we take into the account, that they were a rude, un- 
civilised people, and abhorrent in their manners from 
every degree of, and every tendency towards refine- 
ment, we must conclude, that in every respect it was 
far inferior to the state it was in when the Saxons 
first laid siege to it. 

During the life of Ella, he extended his con- 
quests a considerable way westward, into what is 
now called Hampshire, or county of Southampton, 
including the isle of Wight. In the year 521, Cerdic, 
one of the greatest generals of the Saxons, laid the 
foundatiqn of the kingdom of Wessex : but met with 
such powerful opposition from Ambrosius, and the 
iamous Prince Arthur,* in the first part of his tumul- 
tuary and bloody reign, that he could not turn his 

attention 

* The history of this great man has been obscured with so 
many fables, that it is hardly possible to separate the truth from 
fiction. That such a person did exist, at this time, need not be 
doubted. Some writers make him the son of UtLcrpendragon, 
the brother of Ambrosius : others will have him to have been the 
son of Nazon (or Nathan) Leod, who was one of the kings of 
Wales, or a general of the Britons : bui the most probable account 
is, that he was tl;e son of Gurlois, who was king of Coniwal, 



45 

attention to wrest from Cissa all the acquisitions 
which his father had made in these quarters. His 
grandson Ceaulin, in 550, made the attempt; and 
succeeded in part ; however the kings of the South- 
Saxons retained a precarious possession of the isle of 
Wight, till the year 6S8, when k was attacked by 
Ceadwalla, king of Wessex, and added to his domi- 
nions. It may be necessary to observe here, that as 
the kingdom of Wesscx was one of the most power- 
ful, so that of the South-Saxons was the weakest in 
the heptarchy; and as among these invaders, and 
their posterity, to the time of the union of the seven 
kingdoms, power and not right, nor any considera- 
tion of justice and equity constituted the code of 
their law, w T e need not be surprised that the restless 
and ambitious despots of Wesscx, made frequent 
attempts to annex the kingdom of Sussex to their 
own territories. It is rather to be wondered that the 
latter was able to make any effectual opposition 
against them, and preserve itself an independent 
state so long. This was the case, for it was never 
wholly subdued before the time of Egbert, the first 
king of England: who began his reign as king of 
Wessex, a, d. 800, and over all England in the year 

829: 



4 6 



829 ; being then crowned, according to most histo- 
rians, at Winchester, by the unanimous consent of 
the people, both clergy and laity.* 

In the year 650, we find Adelwalch on the 
throne of Sussex ; if that be not an improper way of 
describing the very limited power which these petty 
sovereigns had in the state. He w r as attacked, van- 
quished, and taken prisoner by Wolphur, king of 
Mercia : but upon his embracing the Christian reli- 
gion, Wolphur set him at liberty; and once more 
added the isle of Wight to the crown of the South- 
Saxons which he had taken, together with the whole 

kingdom 

* This is the account that is given of the affair by most, if 
not all our modern English historians. Since writing the forego- 
ing, I have perused Mr. Turner's history of the Anglo-Saxons ; 
who is of a different opinion : namely — that Egbert only "asserted 
" the predominance of Wessex over the others, whom he made 
" tributary ; but did not incorporate East-Anglia, Mercia, or 
" Northumbria :" — that " it is not true that he was crowned king 
"of England, or ever entitled so:"— nor "that he commanded 
" the seven united kingdoms to be called England." He maintains 
that " this act of incorporation of the heptarchy, did not take place 
" till the time of Alfred, who was primus monarcha Anglorum." 
This inquisitive and well-informed writer should not be mentioned 
without paying a due deference to his opinion. He has given his 
reasons for disbelieving this "popular tale," as he calls it, 
and adduced his authorities for contradicting it. It is more than 
possible that his opinion may be correct : but it is not for me to 
decide. (See Turner's Hist, of the Ang. Sax. vol.. 1 ; p. 367. 



47 

kingdom of Wessex, from Kenwalch, or Kenwal; on 
account of an insult which he had offered Wolphur's 
sister, Penda, whom he (Kenwalch) had married, 
and afterwards repudiated. Adelwalch built a mo- 
nastry at Boseham, where, as Bede says, fire or six 
monks resided.* 

But the isle of Wight did not long remain 
attached to the kingdom of the South-Saxons. It 
was retaken by Ceadwalla, king of Wessex, a. d. 6S8, 
as said before, and again annexed to that state. — 
During the life of the former king of Wessex, Kintuin. 
and when he was engaged in the wars against the 
Britons, this Ceadwalla, having by some means ac- 
quired great popularity and power among his coun- 
trymen, endeavoured to seize upon the supreme 
authority, but his practices and designs being timely 
discovered, his schemes were frustrated, and he him- 
self- 

* His words arc w There was among them (the South- 
Saxons) a certain monk of the Scottish nation, whose name was 
Dugal, having a very small monastry, at the place called Bosan- 
ham, encompassed with the sea and woods, and in it live or six 
brothers, serving the Lord, in a poor and humble life ; but none. 
of the natives cared either to follow their course of life, or hear 
their preaching," &c. 

Bede's Eccl. Hist. Book 4. Chap. 13, 



48 



self forced to quit the kingdom. Upon which he fled 
to the forest of Anderida, now the weald of Sussex ; 
where he subsisted for some time by heading a band 
of freebooters. In order to rid himself of this trou- 
blesome inmate,, Adehvalch attacked him, and ex- 
pelled him from his territories. Some time after 
which Ceadwalla undertook an expedition against 
Kent; where he had no better success: but in his 
retreat from thence made a second attack on Adel- 
walch; defeated and slew him. Flushed with his 
victory, he endeavoured to make himself master of 
Sussex, but met with a successful opposition from 
the inhabitants, headed by Berthunand Anthun, who 
cut off the greater part of his followers, and forced 
him to quit the kingdom. Very soon after this,, 
Ken twin, king of Wessex, died, and Ceadwalla by 
some means or other mounted that throne, in the 
year 686 or 687. On this accession of power he 
lost no time in undertaking a second expedition 
against the kingdom of Kent, where he was guilty 
of the greatest enormities. The next account we 
have of him is that, on his return from Kent, he 
invested the isle of Wight, took it, massacred the 
miserable inhabitants, and annexed it to the crown 

of 



49 

of Wessex : which shews that Sussex was not absorbed 
by him ; for if it had, the propriety of history re- 
quires, that the whole should be mentioned, and not 
a part only. Of the great spoils, which he had taken 
in his Sussex and Kentish expeditions, he dedicated 
a tenth part as donations to atone for his many and 
enormous crimes : on which, William of Malmesbury 
makes this pertinent remark- 3 —" that whoever offers a 
victim from the substance of the poor, sacrifices the 
son before the eyes of the father," 

After this expedition of Cead walla against this 
country, there is very little mention in history of 
the affairs of the South-Saxons, till the year 803, 
when it was attacked by Egbert, king of Wessex, 
and annexed to his crown ; from this silence, histo- 
rians have concluded that it ceased to exist as an in- 
dependent, or even separate, kingdom, after the year 
CSS. They relate that Egbert, after defeating the 
Britons of Cornwal and Wales, turned his arms against 
the South-Saxons, who were too weak to make any 
effectual opposition, and therefore submitted to the 
conqueror; and were incorporated with his other 
subjects of Wessex : w T hich shews, that before that 
time, they had existed as a separate people. 

r, When 



50 

When Ceadwalla invested the isle of Wight, 
Arwalt, brother to Anthun, was governor of it ; and 
exerted himself to defend it ; but, being overpow- 
ered by numbers, was forced to retire, and reluc- 
tantly leave it to the mercy, or rather to the fury of 
the invader, who massacred all the miserable inha- 
bitants, except two hundred families, who were 
saved by decimation, and presented, together with 
their lands, &c. to the then bishop of Selsea; who 
accepted the donation with a view, as we are told, 
to convert them to Christianity. 

Before the time of Adelwalch, the South- 
Saxons were Pagans : but on the conversion of the 
king, as mentioned before, the Christian religion 
soon gained ground among them ; supported by its 
own intrinsic excellence, the influence of the king, 
and of the principal persons in the state : perhaps 
too the arrival of Wilfrid in this kingdom, might 
contribute to the same end ; but not so much, nor 
yet by the means that the very improbable and in- 
credible legends of the monkish writers pretend. 



CHAPTER 



.5* 



CHAPTER IV. 

COMING OF WILFRID INTO SUSSEX PREACHES THE GOSPEL 

TO THE INHABITANTS WAS THE FIRSF BISHOP OF THIS 

DIOCESE BRIEF ACCOUNT OF HIM. 



As Wilfrid, or saint Wilfrid, as he is called, was 
the first bishop of Sussex, after this country was 
conquered by the Saxons, the reader will not think 
it a censurable digression in me to lay before him a 
short epitome of his character. In doing which the 
regard which is due to truth, induces me to divest it 
of that fictitious lustre which the monkish and popish 
writers have very undeservedly lavished upon it. It 
is not so much because he endeavoured, and that too 
successfully, to subjugate the English church to the 
bishop of Rome, but principally because the very 
accounts themselves, handed down to us by these his 
panegyrists, when viewed cooly, and without pre- 
judice, evidently demonstrate him to have been a 
very ambitious, restless, and turbulent man, that 

e 2 promps 



m 

promps me to endeavour to delineate his true cha-* 
racter, stript of that undue veneration which has for 
many ages been paid to his memory. 

At this great distance of time, it is very diffi- 
cult to draw even the outlines of this incongruous 
character, with sufficient certainty. By the monkish 
writers he is represented as a worker of miracles,, 
and a saint : and succeeding historians ( many of 
them at least) have too implicitly adopted their 
testimony. But even the monks themselves have 
transmitted to us such particulars concerning him, 
as in the judgment of every reasonable man, must 
cancel every claim to saintship. As to his miracles, 
no man can say what unworthy instruments the 
Almighty may employ to accomplish the wise ends 
of his providence : but if we consider, that through- 
out the whole bible we read no account of any very 
bad person (except Judas Iscariot) who was ever 
enabled to work miracles, we may well reject those 
of Wilfrid, as counterfeit, and monkish imposition. 

Sometime about the year 650, Wilfrid was 
preferred to the see of York, by Oswy, king of the 
Northumbrians ; which heptarchy had been converted 
to the Christian faith by Paulinus, a. d. 619. Oswy 

was 



53 

was succeeded by his son Egfrid, a prince of great 
activity, and equal ambition. Wilfrid, by some 
means, had acquired so great an influence over the 
mind of the queen, that her husband had recourse to 
his mediation in order to remove a fanatical delicacy 
in her that deprived him of the conjugal rites; but 
the ecclesiastic, instead of arguing her out of her 
ridiculous scruples, applauded her conduct, and con- 
firmed her in it : for she received the veil at his 
hands, and retired into a monastry ; from whence 
she fled to Ely, to avoid the importunities of her 
husband. 

Soon after Egfrjd married Emmenburga ; a 
lady of a very different turn of mind ; who confirmed 
the. king in his resentment against Wilfrid, whom he 
determined to humble. But the power of the prelate 
was so great, that he did not think it advisable to 
attack him openly, until he had effected a rupture 
between him and Theodore, archbishop of Canter- 
bury, and sole metropolitan of all England,* who, 

e 3 at 



* Theodore, who was advanced to the archiepiscopal see 
oi Canterbury, was a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, and one of the 
fnost teamed men of the age in which' he lived : if we except 

Adhelm, 



54 

at Egfrid's request, erected several new bishopricks 
in the then diocese of York, without the consent of 
Wilfrid. Enraged at this innovation, he loudly ex- 
claimed against the king and the metropolitan, and 
demanded the revenues which had been converted to 
the maintainance of the new bishops: and, as his 
claim was disregarded, he formed the unprecedented 
resolution of appealing to the bishop of Rome, 
whither he w r ent in person, and presented a servile 
petition to Agatho, the Roman bishop : in return 
for which adulation, he obtained of that prelate a 
decree to be reinstated into his bishoprick, on pain 
of excommunication to all who should oppose his 

restoration. 

Adhelm, abbot of Malmesbury, and afterwards bishop of Shcre- 
burn,— 'Being informed of the gross and general ignorance of the 
English, he brought with him from Rome a valuable collection of 
books, and professors of the sciences, to assist him in the educa- 
tion of the English youth. The school which Augustin had founded 
in Canterbury, Theodore greatly improved, lor which he deserves 
our grateful acknowledgment. In it were taught the Greek and 
Latin languages, poetry, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, logic, 
philosophy, and divinity— and, according to Bede, the archbishop 
himself read lectures on medicine. One of these lectures is pre- 
served in his Ecclesiastical History, from which we are not induced 
to form an high opinion of hisknowledge in that particular branch, 
iC It ia very dangerous to perform phlebotomy on the fourth day 
" of the moon, because then both the light of the moon, and the 
•* tifcles of the sea are upon the increase/' Eccl. Hist, lib. 5, c. 3, 



55 

restoration. Wilfrid immediately returned to Eng- 
land, in full assurance of being reinstated ; but when 
he delivered his pontifical mandamus to the king, 
the patriotic Northumbrian coolly replied, that tlje 
decree of the bishop of Rome did not affect him, 
and therefore he should pay no manner of regard 
to it. 

Very soon after this Egfrid procured, by the 
authority of the metropolitan, a general council of 
the English clergy to be summoned, in which coun- 
cil he laid before them the unwarrantable proceed- 
ings of Wilfrid, and the unfounded and unprecedent- 
ed pretences of the church of Rome. The council 
unanimously repi*obated these pretensions, asserted 
their own independence, and severely upbraided 
Wilfrid for appealing to a foreign jurisdiction. The 
king, finding himself supported by their decision, 
committed Wilfrid to prison, where he lay several 
months; and was at last released from it on the 
mediation of a lady belonging to Egfrid's family, on 
condition that he should immediatelv, and for ever, 
quit the kingdom of Northumberland. He fled to 
Mercia; from whence he was driven with abhorrence 
by king Ethelred* He next endeavoured to gain 

e 4 admission 



5S 



admission among the West-Saxons; but without 
success: so great, and so just an abhorrence, did our 
predecessors discover against the man who endea- 
voured to subjugate this church to a foreign power. 
At last he applied to Adelwalch, king of the South- 
Saxons, who granted him permission to reside in his 
kingdom, on condition of his using his utmost dili- 
gence to convert the inhabitants to the Christian 
faith, and assigned to him the peninsula of Selsea > 
for his residence, and that and other lands for the 
maintenance of himself and those who were with 
him. Isaacson, in his Chronology, fixes the date of 
his first settling here to 680. He remained in Sussex 
three or four years, and Selsea was the scene of his 
pretended miracles ; for in the kingdom of Northum- 
berland we hear of none of his miraculous works. If 
we could by any means come at his true history in 
the peninsula, there is reason to believe that we 
should find several instances of his abject spirit and 
meanness, but none of his miracles. Certain it is he 
applied to his metropolitan, Theodore, archbishop 
of Canterbury ; and it is most probable the applica- 
tion was made in the most humble and penitent 
manner, otherwise Theodore would hardly have had 

any 



57 

any thing to do with a man who was virtually ex- 
communicated, and expelled the Christian church. 
However that might be, and whatever were the 
motives of the archbishop, Theodore used all his in- 
fluence, which was not small, with Alfred, the suc- 
cessor of Egfrid, by whom, at the intercession of 
the archbishop, he was put in possession of the 
monastry of Rippon. Not satisfied with this indul- 
gence, he had the presumption to insist upon being 
reinstated in the bishoprick, but as Alfred had filled 
the see with Bosa (Isaacson) his demand could not be 
granted ; in the meantime Theodore, archbishop of 
Canterbury, died, a. d. 690, and in 692 was suc- 
ceeded by Birthwald: to whom Wilfrid applied to 
be reinstated in his bishoprick. What success he had 
with Birthwald, mv authors are not agreed : but it 
would appear that the dispute was not settled to his 
approbation ; for we are informed that he undertook 
a second journey to Rome on the occasion, though 
turned of seventy years of age ; and on his return 
was furnished with letters of recommendation and 
mandamus by the pope to the kings of Mercia and 
Northumberland. The former of these paid great 
respect to these recommendatory letters, as coming 

from 



58 



from a Christian bishop; nor is it to be wondered 
at, for he soon afterwards quitted his crown, to his 
nephew Kenrid, and commenced monk, in the mo- 
nastery of Bradney; of which he was afterwards 
abbot. As for Eadwulf, (who on the death of Alfred 
had usurped the throne of Northumbria) he peremp- 
torily refused to have any connections with him 
(Wilfrid) and by some he is said to have forbidden 
him to enter into his kingdom. In revenge for 
which Wilfrid excited by every means in his power, 
the Mercian king and nobility to send a powerful 
reinforcement to Osred, son of Alfred, to enable 
him to drive the usurper from the throne ; by whose 
assistance, Osred at last prevailed, put Eadwulf to 
death, and regained the sovereignty. As Wilfrid had 
been so greatly instrumental in the exaltation of 
Osred, it is no wonder that he was as great a favour- 
ite with him, as he had been detested by the former 
kings. And as the power of the Northumbrians at 
this time was considerable in the heptarchy, it was a 
fit season for Wilfrid to wreak his revenge upon his 
former persecutors^ a season which he was not dis 
posed to let slip. Among these, Birthwald, the 
metropolitan, was devoted for the first victim : who 

seeing 



59 

seein^ the storm that hung over him from Osred, was 
o-lad to accommodate matters, as well as he could, 
with a man of so restless, so vindictive a temper, as 
he knew his prompter to be. The sentence of ex- 
communication was taken off, the bishoprick of 
Hexham conferred upon him, and also the revenues 
of the abbev at Rippon. Thus the pretensions of 
the Romish bishop, over this church, received a pre- 
text and considerable strength in the triumph of 
Wilfrid; who survived this accommodation about 
four years; died in the seventy-sixth year of his age, 
and was buried at Rippon. — His bones were after- 
wards removed and interred in Canterbury, about the 
year 940, by Odo, the metropolitan. (Vide Le 
Neve's Fasti, p. 305.) 

The candid reader, I hope, will excuse this 
long digression (if it be a digression J the more 
readily, as it tends to shew, when, and by what un- 
worthy means, the English church was at first con- 
nected with, and afterwards subjected to that of 
Rome. I am aware that prior attempts had been 
made to the same purpose ; but they were always 
unsuccessful before the interference of Wilfrid. — 
How justly he has bee* dignified with the title of 

saint, 



6o 



saint, I leave any impartial person to judge; and 
likewise what credit is due to the account of his mi- 
racles, which we find in some of the popish histori- 
ans in after ages ; from whom, and the latter writers, 
I have taken the facts from which I have endeavoured 
to delineate his character. 



CHAPTER 



6i 



■ , ;, ,n ■ I ■ i ,. « -utj ■ , .... sses. 

I 

CHAPTER V. 

OF THE STATE OF SOCIETY IN SUSSEX, PREVIOUS TO THE 
TIME OF THE SAXONS. 



1 ERHAPS an estimate of the manners of the origi- 
nal inhabitants of Britain, sufficiently correct, might 
be made from a survey of those of the uncivilized 
nations and tribes, with which we are acquainted, and 
which have been described to us, in the many dis- 
coveries with w 7 hich the public is enriched, in the 
voyages and travels of the present day. As human 
nature is still the same, and varies only as circum- 
stances vary, it is most probable that the inhabitants 
of the Friendly and Society Islands, as described by 
Captain Cook, differ in no material degree, either 
in knowledge or morals from those of Britain, before 
they had any intercourse with, and were corrupted 
by the Phoenicians, Carthaginians, and afterwards the 
Romans: the same absence of all scientific know- 
ledge prevailed among the Britons, as among these 

rude 



62 



rude islanders ; the same natural sagacity,, goodness 
of disposition, and unpolished manners. — The faith- 
ful page of history informs us, that the original in- 
habitants, who lived in the interior part of the coun- 
try, devoted themselves wholly to a pastoral life, and 
wandered from one part to another in quest of pas- 
ture for their herds and flocks. Contented with the 
necessaries and comforts of life, and ignorant of the 
fictitious wants created by luxury, they spent their 
long and happy lives, unconnected with the rest of 
mankind, far removed from the wars and commo- 
tions which harrass mankind, and desolate the world. 
The Celts, which followed them in after ages, 
they received hospitably, and they became incorpo- 
rated, and lived together in harmony and peace. — 
With this people the Phacnicians, and according to 
some authors, the Grecians traded, long before they 
were known to the Romans. Their habitations were 
huts, some of them formed of boughs of trees, re- 
sembling arbours; others consisted of mud and clay, 
and covered with turf. Their diet was simple, and 
they frugal in the use of it, consisting of milk, 
apples, Sec. and the flesh of such animals as they 
killed in hunting. Their drink was chiefly water : 

only 



&3 

only on extraordinary occasions they indulged them* 
selves with a kind of fermented liquor, made of wild 
barlev, honey, or apples. To their temperance they 
owed their great longevity ; for, according to Plu- 
tarch, the infirmities of age did not attack them 
before an hundred and twenty, or an hundred and 
thirty years. Their abstemiousness was owing, in 
some measure, to their religious principles, by 
which they were strictly prohibited from eating fowl, 
hare, goose, or fish. The three former they raised 
as domestic animals ; and they accounted it impious 
to take the latter, as they believed that the supreme 
Being had given the waters to the inferior deities; 
and therefore they and every thing in them belonged 
to them of right, and not to man. 

How long the Britons lived in this happy state 
of innocence and peace, it would be idle to pretend 
to determine. The first interruption it received was 
from the Belga?, who inhabited part of Gaul ; and 
who, in hopes of participating in the advantages 
which the Britons enjoyed, came over in great 
numbers, so as to endanger the very intention of 
their emigration : for a country that is uncultivated, 
and whose inhabitants are supported solely by flocks 

and 



6 4 

and herds, cannot be populous: and before the 
coming of the Belgae, the Britons knew no more of 
agriculture, than the Indians in the western parts of 
North-America do at this dav. It is equally uncer- 
tain by what means the Belgians obtained possession 
of the maritime parts of the country ; whether it was 
to avoid war, or in consequence of war, that the 
Celtse yielded them the quiet possession thereof; 
and retired themselves to the inland parts, to enjoy 
that peace and serenity of life to which they were so 
much attached. 

The success of these beirig known to their 
countrymen on the continent, they came over into 
Britain in such numbers, as to raise the jealousy of 
the first Belgian emigrants. Hence feuds arose, and 
then war commenced. The divisions of the islanders 
being made known to Divitiacus, chieftain of the 
Suessones in Gaul, he came over with a large body 
of his countrymen, in hopes to have made himself 
master of the whole island; but he was disappointed 
of his expectation, chiefly by the resolution of the 
Belga?, who had gotten prior possession of it where 
it was most accessible. The consequence of his ex- 
pedition was fatal to the tranquility of the Celts : 

the 



65 

the country was filled with confusion, blood, and 
rapine — and in the issue parcelled olit into districts, 
every district became a separate government ; the 
original manners and mode of living were wholly 
changed; and their independence, in which they 
placed their supreme happiness, lost in some degree : 
some part of it they were under the necessity of 
sacrificing to the very urgent claim of self-defence. 
The chieftain whom they had elected to concentrate 
their force, they were obliged to invest with a greater 
degree of power than they wished to delegate to any. 
Power once delegated, cannot often be easily re- 
assumed; it has charms in it which too frequently 
fascinates the affections of men ; and few, in com- 
parison, have strength of mind sufficient to resist 
them. Besides, the untowardly circumstances of the 
times, ever since the hostile invasion of Divitiacus, 
rendered the pastoral system (to which the Celts 
were so much attached) impracticable to be adhered 
to; and those expedients which they adopted, no 
doubt, as temporary, and to be but of short conti- 
nuance, the adverse fates rendered perpetual, and 
greatly aggravated the inconveniencies which they 
principally deprecated. 

f The 



66 



The inhabitants of every .district -chose a leader 

eg diieftam, whom they invested with new powers: 
and as these leaders did. not agree* nor harmonize 
rj.nmng; themselves, the country was distracted, and 
filled with uproar, in consequence of their bicker- 
ings;; and the blood of the people shed in causes ia 
which their interest was not at all concerned. This 
*$s$ the condition the country was in, when Caesar 
imvaded it— and m this state it is most probable it 
would -have continued, had. that invasion been de- 
layed --Some of the greater districts would have 
-■wallowed irp their weaker neighbours ; but the 
lends and wars would not have subsided ; because 
the interest of the leaders consisted in their continu- 
ance* War is Tiot more destructive of the happiness 

of 

* ; The whole of .the country was divided brio feweiiteea 
i-'iif-f ©r i! /f -cnimcnt^., viz. 

Tht; Dunnionii inhabiting Coruwa? and 'Devonshire 
"The Daiwtdg.es - •• - • • - !•> orsctslii re 
-,„ w , C Soin.€rKots»hire, Wiltfcliir ^ ;> 

° I II amps lure 

Tit A !, ( :;i i/ii. 1-i— Berksftir-e 

Wkeyfe#€^*aQtj&j)itif>U Sussex and Sjjrrj 

Th^.Ca nS ! r * Kent 

The Dobuiii ----- Gio.ucestefidH.re, Oxfordshin 

Buckinghamshire, Bedfordsn' 



'i'.T»s'C"'a-''";i r 'i.u:I\hiiii\ ■<"--■ 

and I IcrtJ. v).rus 1 uxe 



6 7 

of any people, than it is of their morals. We may 
therefore conclude, that after the expedition of 
Drvitiacus, the character of the Celts underwent a 
verv great change for the worse : notwithstanding 
which, the description which Cfesar, and others give 
of their habits of life, when he landed here, is such 
as the inhabitants of modern Europe may look back 
to with a si^h — though then considerably degene- 
rated from the simplicity of their primitive pastoral 
state. 

f <2 After 



The Trinobantes Middlesex, and Essex 

The Iceni I Sufl [ . lk ' N ° r £ ol K' . Cambridge- 

( shire and Huntingdonshire 

f Northamptonshire, Leicestershire, 

The Coritani 1 Rutlandshire, Nottinghamshire, 

(_ Lincolnshire and Derbyshire 

f Warwickshire, Worcestershire, 
The Cornavii J Staffordshire, . Shropshire and 

(_ Cheshire 

C Herefordshire, Brecknockshire, 
The Si lures J Radnorshire, Monmouthshire 

(_ and Glamorganshire 

The Diraeta? $ Carmarthenshire, Pembrokeshire 

( and Cardiganshire 
f Montgomeryshire, Denbighshire, 

The Ordovices ) Carnarvonshire, Flintshire, 

(_ Merionethshire, aadAnglesea 
f Lancastershire, Westmoreland, 

The Brigantes ...... «? Cumberland, Yorkshire, Mid 

£ Durham 

The O.ttadini ....... Northumberland 



68 



After the coming of the Romans, the morals 
of the Britons were still more perverted ; both as a 
consequence of the incessant wars, which raged in 
the country, and also by their being connected with 
that people ; whose manners, after the time of Caesar, 
proceeded in rapid course from one degree of de- 
generacy to a higher, till they at last reached the 
very height of depravity. — In all which changes, the 
provinces, as members of the same body, participa- 
ted with the head ; though not in equal degree. — * 
Even so early as the reign of Tiberius, the second in 
succession after Cassar, the emperor had recourse to 
that ominous measure of employing spies and in- 
formers, to bolster up the go\ernment — a sure sign 
that the maxims of it were not in unison with the 
general will. About the beginning of the fourth 
century of the Christian asra, it resembled a vastly 
extended theatrical representation. Nothing in it 
was real, or what it appeared to be: the form of 
Roman greatness remained in full splendor ; but the 
substance was no where to be found. An office in the 
state was the sole title to respect or regard ; to look 
for either on the. score of personal merit, was an 
offence, and might subject a person to suspicion of 



69 

aiming to procure honour from any other source 
than the emperor, who was the fountain of honour. 
The principal officers of the empire were saluted, 
even bv the emperor himself, with the deceitful 
titles of your honour, your excellency, your sublime 
magnitude, your illustrious highness. In the The- 
odosian Code, (lib. 6, tit. 6) the rules of respect and 
precedency, are ascertained with the most minute 
accuracy, by the emperor — and illustrated with te- 
dious prolixity by their learned interpreter. 

The declension of the national character, among 
the Britons, prevailed in a particular manner among 
the Belgians ; who inhabited the sea coast. They 
were more conversant with the legionary soldiers, 
than the other inhabitants. Of them, not only the 
auxiliary cohorts were formed, but the ranks of the 
legions filled by drafts from thence.* Besides, being 
a commercial people, they were connected with 
them various ways, and imbibed their manners. To 

f 3 this 

In the time of Tiberius, the legion contained six thousand 
and seventy. two men, and the cohort five hundred— (Vide Tacit. 
Anton. Orat. 5.)— but in the succeeding periods of the empire 
they declined to such a degree, that even in the reign of Constan- 
tine, the number can hardly be ascertained : and in the latter, 
times they consisted of no fixt number. 



7 o 

this we have to . add, that as the Britons, after the 
days of Claudius, were a conquered people, the con- 
sciousness of their dependent condition, enervated 
their minds, damped their virtues, and disposed them 
to the commission of mean and dishonourable actions, 
To compensate, in some degree, for the de- 
terioration of morals among the Britons, their man- 
ner of living was improved by their connection with 
the Romans. If the new habits they acquired, can- 
not be called polished; the asperity of the old was 
corrected : the useful arts began to dawn ; and there- 
by the way was paved for the introduction of the 
sciences into this isle. So far back as the time of 
Julius Caesar, they had adopted the use of clothing, 
instead of going naked, and painting their bodies : 
some of them wore cloth made of wool, and others 
the skins of beasts: the cloth, we may suppose, was 
of a very inferior kind — not manufactured in Britain, 
but procured from Gaul, Italy, &c. What improve- 
ments in the culinary department, the first inhabi- 
tants received frem the Gauls, and Romans, I believe 
cannot be determined. Among the latter people, 
the great men furnished their tables with prodigious 
cost and profusion ; and lived in the most sumptu- 
ous 



ji 



Otis and luxurious manner : bin: we are fed to con- 
clude, that in this particular, the example of Italy 
prevailed less in Britain, than in any other of the 
provinces. The means of emulating or approxima- 
ting to the splendor of Rome, or the effcminacv of 
Baiae, were then far removed from the inhabitants of 
Britain, though destined at a future period to out- 
strip them both, 



r4 CHAPTER 



7 2 



CHAPTER VI. 

FEROCITY AND CRUELTY OF THE SAXONS. THE BRITONS NOT 

WHOLLY EXTIRPATED BY THEM IN SUSSEX— TRAITS OF 

THEIR CHARACTER ACCOUNT OF THEIR ORIGIN RISING 

TO POWER IN GERMANY THEIR PIRACIES,, MANNER OF 

LIVING, CLOTHING, &C. 



1 HE subjugation of Britain to the Romans, was 
followed with many miseries to the wretched inha- 
bitants • but all these miseries vanish and disappear 
in perusing the account of the conquest of it by the 
Saxons. Among the former, some traits of humanity 
are to be found ; among the latter, none. To be 
susceptible of pity was dishonourable among them. 
The history of mankind, in all the various details 
which it exhibits, of the misery and carnage which 
ambition, and the rage of power, have brought on 
men, does not record any which convey more horror, 
or wound the ear of humanity, more than those 
which the ferocious and inexorable Saxons, inflicted 

upon 



73 

upon the miserable Britons ; till the whole race wag 
exterminated ; except a very few, who fled in trem- 
bling agony to the mountains of Wales, from the un- 
relenting fury of their irresistible butchers ! It was 
not a practice with them to make any prisoners : a 
rule from which they rarely deviated — and when they 
did, it was done in order to fill up the number of 
slaves, which each freeman among them was per- 
mitted to keep, from the most healthy and robust 
among the prisoners; and all the rest were slaughtered. 
As a people, they were destitute of every virtue, 
every good quality, except that species of courage, 
more properly denominated ferocity So that 
though Ella, the founder of the kingdom of the 
South-Saxons, after slaughtering all the inhabitants 
of the capital, exerted himself with all his power, 
to extirpate the former inhabitants in every part of 
the dominions, which he called his ; they who escaped 
the sword of the conqueror, had reason to felicitate 
themselves on being more fortunate than others; as 
his son and successor Cissa, unlike his father, and 
his countrymen in general, was of a mild, pacific 
disposition, and during the whole course of his lono 
reign, cultivated the arts of peace to the utmost of 

his 



74 

Ms power: In every other part throughout the 
whole country, the exterminating system was; fol- 
lowed up without abatement, even to the end of the 
heptarchy. From the silence of Giidas^ with respect 
to Sussex, after the death of Ella, we may conclude 
that less seTerity was exercised there, than in other 
districts : and that those Belgians, who were engaged 
In commerce, or practised trades, were suffered to 
live, and pursue their occupation. Not so the pos- 
sessors of land, their only alternative, even here, 
was to share the fate of" their countrymen in other 
parts, or become slaves to the new proprietors ; as 
the land was divided among the chieftains,, and their 
followers— and none of the Britons were by any 
means suffered to retain any part of it : but that 
they were not wholly extirpated, nor driven from- 
the kingdom of the South-Saxons, we may conclude 
from hence, that the arts, which they had learned 
from the Romans, and practised many years wich 
success, both before and after the departure of that 
people from Britain, were not entirely eradicated 
from 'the dominions of Cissa* In particular, the 
manufacture of iron must have been carried on to a 
considerable extent ;, for the first ship anchors ever 

rnafc 



75 

made in Britain were fabricated in Sussex, a. d. 578 ? 
(see Ravmonds Hist, of England.) In it are several 
places denominated for, and some forge, which would 
induce one to think that there had formerly been 
iron-founderies there, or iron-manufactories; and 
that the places had derived their names from that 
circumstance. Several other trades they must have 
had some knowledge in, before they could have been 
competent to make anchors for ships, even of mode- 
rate size. That the Britons were not adepts in the 
various trades which they learned of the Romans, 
must be granted; but it is probable, that in each 
ihcv were greater proficients than afterwards the 
Saxons were for many years. The genius of this 
people did bv no means turn towards the mechanical 
arts: their sole delight was in war; from long and 
immemorial habit, the innate and almost inextin- 
guishable dictates of humanity, were subdued, and 
to all appearance wholly eradicated from their savage 
breasts. When they put a prisoner to death, they 
felt no more compunction than a tyger does when 
he kills a man. Another trait of their character was 
intemperance both in eating and drinking, especially 
the latter. With them drunkenness wa> not reckoned 

disgraceful. 



76 

disgraceful. In their cups they were apt to quarrel 
(no uncommon circumstance) and their quarrels 
generally ended in blood ; as we are informed by 
Tacitus. To this we have to add their attachment 
to gambling ; which was a general propensity among 
them all : and to so great an extent did they cany 
it, that many of them after losing all their property, 
and even their wives and children, ( to be slaves to 
the winner) would stake their own freedom, and run 
the hazard of becoming the slaves of their antagonists. 
The two last traits of their character, intemperance 
and gaming, adhered to them when the rigour of 
their ferocity was considerably abated after the union 
of the heptarchy. 

After they were firmly fixed in the possession 
of the kingdom, and had nothing to fear from the 
attempts of the former proprietors, they set to culti- 
vating the land ; as they found by experience, that 
without cultivation they could not derive a sufficient 
maintenance. In this they were instructed by their 
slaves, the Britons: to whose lot it fell to do all the 
laborious part of it, for the use and emolument of 
their masters. Hard lot for these unhappy men ! to 
plough, and sow, and reap those fields for others so 

lately 



11 

lately their own ; which their own industry had ren- 
dered fertile, and to suffer want themselves the mean 
time ! Fatal consequence of their imprudence in 
investing Vortigern with a degree of power, of which 
he was unworthy, and which his weakness or trea- 
chery and perhaps both, disqualified him from dis- 
charging aright ; for the very momentous pupose for 
which it was conferred on him. According as the 
Saxons turned their attention to agriculture, in the 
same proportion did their ferocity abate. In Sussex, 
the connection which the few Britons who remained 
in it, maintained with the continent, with which they 
trafficed, was attended with the happiest conse- 
quences, both to themsehes, and to the Saxon in- 
habitants; on whom it cannot be supposed that the 
example of their laborious and ingenious bondsmen 
had no effect. The progress in the arts which such 
people could make, must be but slow : notwithstand- 
ing, after the introduction of Christianity among 
them, and the influence of a mild religion, had soft- 
ened and subdued the asperity of their disposition, 
and their former habits of life, we find them rising 
jnto some consequence in the scale of rational life. 



The 



7 8 



The origin of our ancestors cannot be traced, 
with historical certainty, higher than a. d. 140. 
Ptolemy, the Egyptian, in his Geography, takes 
notice, that there was a people called Saxones, who 
inhabited on the north side of the Elbe, on the neck 
of the Cimbric Chersonesus : that the peninsula, con- 
sisting of Jutland, Sleswick, and Holstein, was oc- 
cupied by six other tribes, or hordes, besides them ; 
and therefore we may conclude, that at that time, 
they could be of no great importance. Tacitus, who 
wrote about fifty years earlier^ ( in the reign of Domi- 
tian ) in his description of Germany, and its inhabi- 
tants, takes no notice of the Saxons : but it will not 
follow from his silence, (as some have imagined) 
that they did not then exist there ; but only that they 
were -not of consequence enough to be described by 
him, or even mentioned. The Sacse, Sacca?, or Saxse, 
were then, and long after, one of the tribes of the 
Goths, who formed the second migration from Asia, 
which poured it's myriads upon the northern parts 
of Europe. In its progress westward, it drove the 
Celtic tribes before it; and at different periods of 
time, either extirpated them, or obliged them to 
lookout for new settlements for themselves. The 

particular 



79 



particular time when this Gothic irruption into Eu- 
rope took place, it is impossible to ascertain, and 
.therefore unprofitable to attempt. Tacitus supposes 
all ihe Germans to be indigent or original inhabl- 

, from which we may gather that they had lived 
there from time immemorial, and that the period of 
their first settling there could not be traced. These, 
in their turn, were impelled, and forced to give way 
10 a third irruption of barbarians, called Huns, who 
came into Europe about the year 376, whose de- 
pendents now inhabit Russia, Poland, Bohemia, Dal- 
matia, Croatia, &c.* 

From the Celtic colony have sprung the follow- 
ing dialects — the Antient Briton, the Erse, the Irish, 
the Cornish,, the Armorican. From the Gothic irrup- 
tion — the Antient Saxon, the English, the Lowland 
Scotch, the German, Swabian, Swiss, Icelandic, Norse, 
Danish, Swedish, Orkneyan. From the Scalvonic, or 
Ilunnish — the Russian, Polish, Bohemian, Dalmatian, 
Bulgarian, Carinthian, Moravian, Croatian, &c. 

In the original state of the Sacca?, or Saxons, 
no signs were discoverable of their future greatness; 

their 

See Hickcs's Thesaur. — Pinkcrton's Origin of the Scythians— 
Kranifs Saxonia, and Turner's History of the Anglo Saxons. 



8o 



their rise they owed to circumstances purely acci- 
dental, as far as human sagacity could determine. 
First — The confederation of many of the German 
tribes, a. d. 240, to defend themselves from the in- 
roads of the Romans, who threatened them all with 
destruction, under the name of Francs, ( freemen ) 
in the event contributed to the advancement of the 
Saxons : as their exploits on the oceail against the 
commerce and allies of the Romans, were of great 
advantage to the union, they thereby merited and 
received a greater estimation among the members 
thereof, than they had before. Secondly — The 
voyage of the Francs from the Euxine to the Rhine, 
their native country, afforded them an example, and 
at the same time gave them an impulse to extend 
the scene of their maritime adventures.* In conse- 
quence of this, they so infested the coasts of Belgium, 
Gaul and Britain, that the Romans were obliged to 
station a powerful fleet at Boulogne, to check them. 
In the reign of Dioclesian and Maximian, the com- 
mand of this fleet was given to Caraiisius, who abused 
his commission, and, to secure his impunity, boldly 
assumed the purple : and was acknowledged emperor 

by 
* Zosimus, end of book I.— Gibbon I. 3.2$ 



8i 



by the legions in Britain. In order to maintain his 
usurpation, he entered into alliances with the Saxons, 
c^c. encouraged their piracies, gave them the Roman 
ships, and supplied them with experienced officers, 
who taught them the principles of navigation, (as 
they were then known; and the naval tactics. This 
usurpation lasted seven years, in which time, the 
Saxons acquired immense booties, and, what they 
valued still more, the empire of the sea. In the 
exercise of which, the atrocities they committed are 
innumerable, and too full of horror to be related.* 
To lay the foundation of power, is an achieve- 
ment of more difficulty than to maintain, or even 
increase it. So early as the beginning of the fourth 
century, other tribes become desirous of obtaining 
the same advantages: these joined the Saxons, and 
added fresh strength to a confederacy already too 
strong for the peace of the world. This union con- 
sisted of various tribes, of different denominations, 
but all passed under the name of Saxon, f and in- 

G eluded 

• After a successful enterprise, it was a custom with them 
T-> decimate their miserable prisoners, and immolate them to 
Woden, or Odin, their god of war. — See Sid. Apoll.Xpis. 6. 

t The Chauci, Frisii, Chamavi, Batavi, Toxandri, Morini, 
■nmbri, Jutes, and Angles, and others of less note. — Vide Turner's 
Hist, of Ando-Saxons. 



82 



eluded in it all the German states, to the north of 
the Rhine. Before the time that they invaded Britain, 
this mixed people had diffused themselves into, and 
possessed the interior of Germany ; so that the ex- 
tensive country between the Elbe and the Rhine, 
and even the Scheldt, was subject to their dominion. 
The naval strength of this band of confederated 
pirates, consisted rather in the number than the 
strength of their craft — more in the courage and in- 
trepidity than in the nautical skill of the assailants. 
Their study was rather to surprise than to combat ; 
and plunder more than conquest was their aim : 
their vessels could not, with any propriety, be called 
ships — they were rather skiffs than boats — they were 
constructed of osiers, covered with skins sewed to- 
gether, and plastered over with a composition of 
tar and grease.* To these they gave the preference, 
on account of their superior utility. For these no 
coast was too shallow, nor any river too narrow. In 
them they attacked the interior parts of a country; 
and when pressed with danger, carried them from one 
river to another, and thus evaded any force that could 
be sent against them. 

No 
* Du Bos' His. Crit. 



83 



No discredit will attach to the memory of our 
ancestors on account of the state of their domestic 
ceconomy. The garments which they wore, before 
they came to Britain, consisted of a close tunic, or 
vest, reaching from the shoulders to the knee, and 
fastened round the body with a belt, or girdle, and 
over that a mantle, fastened under the chin with a 
thorn, or small wooden pin, and loose every where 
else. Both these were of cloth, made of wool, or 
wool and flax. — The slaves wore pelts, or skins, in- 
stead of woollen tunics and mantles; and so did many 
of the meaner part of the freemen. For shoes they 
had a kind of buskins, or half-boots, of undressed 
leather, which covered the feet and ancles, and were 
fastened on with strings, or points, made of the 
same. The dress of the women did not differ much 
from that of the men : only their bosoms and arms 
below the elbows, were bare ; whereas those of the 
men were covered. On their heads they wore close 
caps, made of strong undressed leather ; ornamented 
on the top with a bunrh of feathers. The use of 
shirts was unknown. Their principal instruments of 
warfare were a short broad-sword and shield. Their 
houses in Britain were those from which they ex- 

g 2 pelled 



8 4 



pelted the Britons ; in Germany they had no fixed 
place of habitation, or possessions in land; a new 
division was made every year, lest the attachment to 
house or land, should lessen their military ardour, 
which they esteemed as their greatest honour. But 
that mode was abandoned when they settled in Britain. 
Their manner of living, in eating and drinking, &c. 
cannot be ascertained distinctly, but may easily be 
conjectured from what is known from their manners 
In genexal. 



CHAPTER 



»3 



CHAPTER Vir. 

STATE OF RELIGION IX SUSSEX BETORE THE EXO- 
OE THE HEPTARCHY. 



1 HAT the religion of the Cimbri, the original in- 
habitants of this isle, was druidism, we have the 
authority of Caesar, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, and, 
I believe, the antient British bards, The primitive 
religion of the druids v;as the most simple, and, ex- 
cept the Christian system, the most rational that can 
be imagined. They believed in one supreme God, 
immense and eternal ; that he made the world, and 
presides over it, and the affairs of men ; that the 
human soul is immortal, and after death shall be con- 
veyed to a place of happiness or misery; according 
to it's deserts; that acts of cruelty, even to the brute 
creation, will be punished with adequate severity in 
another state ; that if any person relieved the dis- 
tresses, or anywise assisted a fellow-creature, or even 

g 3 a beast, 



86 



a beast, he would be rewarded for the same in eter- 
nity; that to confine the worship of the deity within 
walls was inconsistent with the belief of his omnipre- 
sence ; that therefore their temples ought to be ex- 
posed to the open air; to remind men that their 
most secret thoughts are open to the view of that 
being who can neither deceive nor be deceived ; 
that the oblations offered to him ought to be either 
meal; or a cake made upon the hearth,, and that it is 
lawful^ on particular occasions, at the discretion of 
the patriarch, to sacrifice to him birds, or even 
beasts ; that masters of families are endowed with 
absolute power in their own households ; that youth 
were to be instructed only in the sacred groves, that 
the knowledge of the sciences must not be committed 
to writing, but fixed in the memory ; that missletoe 
must be gathered with reverence, if possible, on the 
sixth day of the month ; that the pow r der of missle- 
toe is a sovereign remedy in many diseases; that the 
world, if ever destroyed, will be consumed either 
by fire or water. — How long the Cimbri adhered to 
this system of religion, (the true patriarchal religion, 
with the addition of a few innocent articles) cannot 
be certainly known ; but there is reason to believe 

that 



8 7 

that they lived many ages here before they polluted 
the worship of God with human inventions; that they 
were not the least contaminated, 'till after the arrival 
of the Belgeans, who in trading with the Phoeniceans 
or Tyrians, first learned of them the horrid notion 
of the necessity of human sacrifices, equally un- 
worthy of the innate ideas we have of the divine 
benevolence, and repugnant to the plainest and 
strongest dictates of human nature. In process of 
time, we are told, they even improved upon this 
infernal system: and were so infatuated as to imagine 
that the greater the dignity and virtue of the victim, 
so much the more propitious would the deity be! 
Thus a valuable husband, a beloved wife, or an hope- 
ful child, were pitched upon, in cases of verv great 
danger, rather than any other of less value. 

Hardened at length by these practices, they 
insensibly became deaf to the voice of humanity, 
and carried their cruelty to such an enormous pitch, 
that they formed idols (we are told) of so monstrous 
a size as to contain whole crouds of persons, who 
were burned at once to expiate the anger of the 
Gods. If this account were duly authenticated, 

g 4 (which 



88 



(which it is not*) we might well exclaim — "what 
ideas of the god of mercy, who delights in the happi- 
ness of all his creatures ! But history as well as ex- 
perience convinceth us, that the smallest deviation 

from 

* The public have great obligations to the Cambrian literati 
for translating and publishing several of the antient British poems; 
those of Taliessin arc particularly valuable; for throwing con- 
siderable light upon the annals of that dark period. He flourished 
in and before a. d. 570. (See Jones's Ant. Relics.) Some of his 
effusions have been published, many more are not. It is to be 
hoped that the Welch bards of the present day, will translate and 
publish his (Taliessin's) poems, those of Aneurin, Myrzen, (Merlin) 
and Llywarch Hen, and other bards who succeeded them. The 
treasures of information which they contain, will, no doubt, dispel 
the darkness which shrouds the history of that period, and transfer 

the MONSTROUS IDOLS FOR IMMOLATING CROWDS OF PRI- 
SONERS, from the injured druids, to the Romans ; to stain their 
memory with lasting and deserved infamy and execration. I know 
that Tacitus, in his Annals, (lib. 14. 10.) writes, that the druids 
accounted it lawful to sacrifice on their altars, prisoners taken in 
war, to practise augury on the occasion, and to ask council of 
their gods, by inspecting " human a viscera/'' the heart and 
entrails of the human victims: but I know likewise, that the 
campaigns of Agricola in Britain, were stained with blood, both 
on the south and the north side of the Tweed, that his rout where- 
ever he went, was marked by burning of houses, and unnecessary 
wanton carnage ; and therefore we ought to view with caution, 
.and some degree of suspicion, the hard features in which the 
portrait of the Britons is drawn by the pen of this annalist — he 
was a Roman, he was Agricola's panegyrist, and he was his son- 
's nr-law. • 



89 



from the true worship of God seldom stops until it 
has arrived at the utmost height of wickedness." 

But the progress to this state of depravity (if 
ever it took place) must have been slow, and not 
consummated in a few years, but in the revolution 
of many. And we should do great injustice to the 
memory of the primitive druids, not to suppose that 
they made as resolute a stand against the increasing 
deluge of error and impiety, as the unassisted powers 
of man could do : and that many of them greatly fell, 
and expired under the ruins of that goodly system, 
which they could no longer support. 

But it is to be noted, that the account of the 
degeneracy of the British druids is derived .from the 
Roman historians : hence a suspicion arises that the 
cruelties imputed to the Britons, are magnified, and 
perhaps fabricated, in order to exculpate their own 
people from the many acts of barbarity which they 
exercised for many years in this land. The reluctant 
pen of the historian informs us, that in the reign of 
Nero, a. d. 59, Suetonius Paulinus was sent into 
Britain to quell some insurrections that had taken 
place among a people greatly oppressed. In this 
undertaking, meeting with some opposition in the 

isle 



go 

isle of Anglesea, and judging, perhaps rightly, that 
the insurgents were prompted to revolt by the druids, 
he ordered the whole of them to be slaughtered, and 
no mercy to be shewn to any of that order ; who 
were supposed to be the center of union to all those 
who continued to rally round the standard of liberty. 
While human nature continues what it is, acts of 
wanton barbarity will always meet the reprobation 
of mankind ; and therefore the Roman general gave 
out that he had burned the druids in the fires which 
they had prepared to burn the Romans in, if they 
had been victorious. — The same historians inform 
us, that the emperor Nero, who was never noted for 
clemency, a year or two after, recalled Paulinus from 
Britain, on account of the over-severity and cruelty 
which he exercised upon the wretched inhabitants. 

It is pretended that the druids had, in part, 
engrafted the doctrine of the Metempsichosis, on 
their original tenets; and therefore, as their religion 
became corrupt, so their morals became depraved, 
Grantino- the assertion, the inference will not follow. 
The Pythagorean doctrine of the transmigration of 
souls, is a very unlikely foundation to build a system 
of cruelty upon, even to beasts: it is a system of 
philanthropy, Such, 



9 1 

Such, we are told, was the state of religion in 
this country, when the Romans first landed here; 
and history shews, that they made a more resolute 
stand for their religion, however corrupt it might be, 
than they did for their liberty. 

The last effort they made against the Romans, 
in defence of their religion, was under the banners 
ol the brave, but unfortunate Boadicea, queen of 
the Iceni, a. d. 61, which terminated in her destruc- 
tion, and the general massacre of the druidical priests, 
and the druids throughout the kingdom. That the 
greatest part of them were then destroyed, and fell 
victims to the sanguinary rage of Paulinus, and the 
Romans, is indisputable; yet there is reason to con- 
clude that some of them (the druidical priests) 
escaped the fury of their insatiable persecutors, and 
remained many years afterwards, nor was their reli- 
gion eradicated in Britain, till the light of the gospel 
dispelled that ignorance which had so long darkened 
the human understanding. 

Stonehenge, situated near the summit of an 
eminence on Salisburv-plain, is the most remarkable 
druidical temple now in Britain, and appears to have 
been the principal place of their worship. The 

druidical 



92 

druidical institution included in it three distinct 
orders, or classes, the priests, the bards, and the 
vates, which last order devoted themselves to the 
study, and instructed the people in the knowledge 
of astronomy, divination, natural philosophy, and 
physic,, or rather medicine, 

The order of the bards composed the verses 
which were sung at their religious meetings or assem- 
blies. They preserved also in their songs the warlike 
exploits, and the virtuous actions of their heroes and 
patriots;, and were both historians and poets. This 
class remains unto this day. About the beginning 
of the fifteenth century, several of the Cambro- 
Britons, in order to preserve the songs of the bards 
from perishing, and being for ever lost to posterity., 
consulted together, and, though contrary to the laws 
and regulations of their institution, agreed to com- 
mit them to writing*. Accordingly, about the mid- 
dle of the sixteenth century, a very considerable 
collection of them was made. By the diligence of 
the Cambrian patriots, this collection has been re- 
vised, augmented, and improved, up to the present 
time The last authentication of them was made 
a. d. 1681, (vide Turner) at a gorsez.. under the 

sanction. 



■93 

sanction of Sir Richard Basset This collection is 
" pronounced to be the fullest collection of bardism, 
and this book is said to be in actual existence." 
(Turner, vol. L p. 199.) The last public gorsez was 
held on the 22d day of September, 1792, at Prim- 
rose-hill, (ibid.) 

These three orders were all subordinate to one 
primate or chief druid, chosen out of the order of 
priests; who enjoyed his authority for life. His 
power was unlimited; but it ought to observed to 
their honour, that in the discharge of his duty, and 
■exercise of this high office, he always acted with in- 
corruptible integrity for the good of the public over 
which he presided. 

The precise time when Christianity was first 
preached in Britain, is not fully and satisfactorily 
ascertained. The dream of William of Malmesbury 
of the translation of Joseph of Arimathea, to the 
church of Glastonbury, I pass over as a monkish 
fable, unworthy of refutation. We are informed by 
Eusebius, an inquisitive writer, and therefore worthy 
of credit ; and by Theodoret, a bishop of the fifth 
century, that the Britons were converted to Christi- 
anity by Saint Paul, about the sixty-second or sixty- 
third 



94 

third year of the vulgar 2era. There is reason to 
believe that the Claudia, mentioned by him in his 
epistles, is the same lady who is celebrated by the 
poet Martial. The apostle takes notice of Claudia 
and Pudens, and Martial names this very Pudens as 
the husband of Claudia Rufina : nor do we think it 
an improbable conjecture, that this Pudens is the 
person named in the inscription on the temple of 
Minerva in Chichester, mentioned before. But all 
these are matters of probable conjecture only, and 
as such I give them, and not of historical certainty. 

Fr/om Gildas and Bede we learn, that the gos- 
pel was preached in Britain at a very early date, — 
that the Britons, who were noted for their docility, 
embraced the doctrines thereof almost generally. 
They were not molested in the profession of it be- 
fore the time of Dioclesian, w T ho began his reign a. d. 
S87. A very great share of this heavy and general 
persecution fell upon Britain ; in which saint Alban 
suffered martyrdom • as did Aaron and Julius, and 
many others. 

Soon after this, that is about the year 3il, 
Constantine the great, not only tolerated but en- 
couraged the Christian religion, the doctrines of 

which 



95 

which he himself professed — it therefore appeared 
with greater splendour than before, when the public 
profession of it existed only by the courtesy, or 
rather by the connivance of the imperial court. At 
the council of Aries, which was holden before the 
middle of the fourth century, three British bishops 
subscribed by the names of Eborius, Restitutus, and 
Adelfius de civitate Colonia? Lindi, that is York, 
London, and Lincoln, according to bishop Usher. 
Three British bishops also were present at the coun- 
cils of Nice, Sardis, and Arminium: at which last 
ihey who attended were obliged to accept the 
emperor's allowance, not being able to defray the 
expence of the journey, and too conscientious to 
levy contributions on their brethren. The Christian 
religion prevailed in Britain till towards the end of 
the fifth century ; when both it and its professors, 
were expelled from hence by the victorious Saxons, 
who were Pagans, and gave themselves very little 
trouble about religion. Not that they were entirely 
without religion. Their chief deity was Woden,* 

(the 

* Their paradise, in an after state, was the hall of Woden, 
or Odin ; where (their priests taught them) they who had behaved 
valiantly, in this life, wonld be admitted, have plenty of the 

bast 



96 

(the god of war) to him they offered sacrifices, and 
upon particular occasions, those sacrifices were men * 
to him they dedicated the fourth day of the week, 
Woden's day. Their inferior deities were Thor, 
(Jupiter) Frea or Frico, ( Venus) Tuisco, the founder 
of their nation. Tacitus says they also worshipped 
Herthus, ( their mother Earth ) "as believing that she 
interested herself in the affairs of men and nations. " 

In order to foretel the events of war, they 
used to take a captive of the nation against which 
their design was, and oblige him to fight a duel with 
one of their own nation, taken by lot, each was to 
fight with the arms of his country, and from the issue 
of this combat they concluded which side would be 
victorious. 

As the state of society in the period now under 
consideration, afforded no agreeable view, so that 
of religion presents us with nothing consolatory. 
The first was savage to a degree almost beyond belief; 

the 

best meat to eat, and wine to drink out of the skulls of their 
enemies. It was accounted dishonourable among them to die in 
bed, or any way but in armour. When a man, who had not ob- 
tained an honourable passport to the great hall, in the field of 
battle, the scene of glory, found his end approaching, it was 
usual among them, for him to array himself in complete armour, 

and thusaccoutered, wait his dissolution. — (Sax. Chron.) 

It 



97 

tjie second disgusting and full of horror. To attempt; 
a moral atid mental revolution among the Saxons of 
the sixth century, was an arduous undertaking. No 
wonder that the courage of the missionary, saint 
Augustine, became paralized before he had perform- 
ed half of his appointed journey: no wonder that 
his resolution failed him, at the prospect of so 
dangerous an entcrprize, more likely, in all human 
probability, to terminate fatally to himself and his 
fellow-missionaries, than to be crowned with success, 
among a race of men; who had no idea of any thing 
but war alone. But'the orders of his superior were 

ii peremptory^ 



It certainly can reflect no dishonour on the ministers of the 
gospel of Christ, to say that the priests of the Heathens were no 
better than state-jugglers; whose great aim and end of their in- 
stitution was to delude the people, and to keep them in endless 
darkness and bondage. The Christian dispensation, on the con- 
trary, was intended to be a light, to lighten the world ; it is a 
system of peace and universal good-will to all mankind : so far 
from exciting wars among men, it enjoins the love of even our 
enemies: those who had already engaged in the ranks of warfare, 
the founder of our religion (by the mouth of his forerunner) 
commands to do violence to no man, but to be content with their 
pay, without endeavouring to increase it by plunder, or extortion. 
More explicit than this he could not be on this subject : his king- 
dom was not of this world — and he assumed no temporal juris- 
diction among men. 



98 

peremptory, and admitted of no excuse — "whcae 
the souls of men are at stake, (said the Roman pon- 
tiff, saint Gregory) difficulties vanish, and dangers 
are to be over-looked. " Having no other alternative . 
but to proceed on, and fulfil his journey, or suffer 
the censure of his superior, he chose the former. 
Such is the account handed down to us of the first 
planting of Christianity among the Anglo-Saxons. 

About the year 595, Ethelbert, king of Kent, 
and great-grandson of Hengist, married Bertha, the 
daughter of Caribert, king of France. This lady 
being a Christian, it was stipulated that she should 
be permitted the free exercise of her own religion. 
In consequence of which, she was attended by one 
Luidard, a person venerable both for his piety and 
learning ; who converted many of the principal per- 
sons of the kingdom (of Kent) to the 'Christian 
faith. The king also conceived a favourable opinion 
of it from the piety and exemplary life of the queen. 
These favourable circumstances being made 
Jknown to Gregory the great, who then filled the 
papal chair at Rome, he sent Austin (or Augustine) 
a monk, and several of his fraternity to Britain, to 
preach an4 establish the gospel among the Saxons, 

the 



99 

new inhabitants of the isle. These landed in the isle 
ofThanet, in 597, and soon obtained permission 
from Ethelbert to preach the gospel among the 
Kentish Saxons. The king himself, in a short time, 
became a convert; and his example was quickly 
followed throughout his dominions. As his mission 
was prosperous, Augustine (or saint Augustine) re- 
turned to France in 598, where he obtained conse- 
cration at the hands of Etherius, archbishop of Aries, 
and returning the same year, he settled his see at 
Canterbury ; where he sat sixteen years ; and dying 
was buried in the porch of the church, which was 
afterwards called by his name. ( See Le Neve. ) The 
works of this apostle of Britain are in the hands of the 
public. I do not recollect that in any part of them 
he maintains the supremacy of the church of Rome, 
in direct terms; but that he does in several places 
assert the superior dignity thereof above all other 
churches. 

Long before this time, even as early as the 
reign of Constantine, the bishop of Rome claimed 
not only a precedency to other bishops, on account 
of the superior dignitv of imperial Rome, but also a 
pre-eminent authority in the church of Christ, on the 

ii 2 same 



100 



same score. In the year 529, the Justinian code 
was first published; wherein the papal claim was 
confirmed throughout the western empire. And in 
the year 534, the same emperor (Justinian) de- 
clared the pope the head of all churches : all were to 
be subject to his judgment; but himself to be judged 
by none. cc Eum ecclesiarum ominum judicem, 
cc ipsum a nullo judicandum. — Non minus dicendus 
"■ sit regnasse in spiritualibusr (quamvis se subditum 
" semper servum servorum dicerit) quam in tem- 
sc poralibus. Imperatores/' &c* The Roman pontiff 
received an addition of power by the fall of the 
Roman empire in the west under Augustulus, a. d. 
476 ; and a still greater when the exarchate of 
Ravenna was given to him by Pepin, a. d. 755, and 
confirmed by Charlemagne, a. d. 774, when he be-: 
came a temporal prince. 

The success of these missionaries was very 
great among a rude people ; and would no doubt 
have been much greater, if they had adhered, in 
their endeavours, to the pure, unadulterated doc- 
trines of the gospel of Christ, without blending any 
extraneous matter with it, The precepts of morality 

therein, 

* £ee Newton's Disscrtat. Vol. 2. p. 323, 



101 

therein contained, the people could understand , 
and the arguments there adduced to enforce, or witf 
men over to practise them, they could comprehend; 
because they are adapted to, and lie level with the 
reason of man : but all allusions to the superior 
sanctity, or superior dignity of the bishop of Rome, 
must rather teiuUo perplex their understanding, than 
to enlighten their minds. 

The kingdom of Northumbria, or Northumber- 
land, was the next that received the gospel, about 
the year 620, won over partly by the preaching of 
Paulinus, the first bishop of York, and partly by 
the influence of Ethelburga, the queen. Edwin, the 
king, being solicited by the Kentish king to become 
a Christian, he replied, that he would consult the 
most intelligent and enlightened of his friends and 
acquaintance, and propound the matter to them, 
and be regulated by their opinion. In the council, 
which he called accordingly, the idol priest declared 
that he believed their religion to be good for nothing; 
" for no man (said he) has applied himself to it 
" more zealously than I have done ; yet many obtain 
x your favour in preference to me: if our gods were 
' good for any thing I should have been more 

u 3 prosperous." 



lO: 



" prosperous." The next speaker delivered his 
sentiments to the following effect — ff the life of man, 
a (said he) is like the transient visit of a sparrow at 
" your winter feasts; for a short time he appears in 
" this busy world, revels in hilarity, and is active in 
ee the enjoyment of existence. Soon the passing 
" scenes terminate ; and as of those which may 
(( have preceeded this life we are ignorant; so we 
" know nothing of the events, if any there be, which 
. w are to follow. In this state of ignorance, of doubt, 
'■' of alarm, I feel that if this new doctrine contains 
" in it something more certain, and more consola- 
Ci tory, it deserves our assent/' (Vide Bede and 
Turner.) The consequence of this consultation was 
that Edwin embraced the faith of Christ. Paulinus 
he constituted bishop of Northumbria : and Bede, 
w 7 ho mentions the transaction, no where says that 
his appointment was confirmed by the bishop of 
Rome. 

The South-Saxons were among the last in the 
heptarchy to enjoy the light of the gospel; because 
they were engaged in continual wars, to defend them- 
selves from the attacks of the West-Saxon kings. 

About 



103 

About the year 650, Adelwalch mounted the South- 
Saxon throne, as mentioned before. He was attack- 
ed and taken prisoner by Wolf hur, or Wolfghur, 
king of Mercia : but upon his embracing the Chris- 
tian religion the Mercian set him at liberty. At his 
return he exerted all his influence to plant the Chris^ 
tian religion among his people, who, as their under- 
standings were more enlightened, and their manners 
less savage than their Saxon brethren, from the re- 
maining effects of the mild reign of Cissa, and the 
mixture of Britons among them, we may believe, 
examined its evidences with candour, and embraced 
it with that readiness which truth has a right to from 
all it votaries. In Chichester, and throughout the 
kingdom, the heathen temples were consecrated to 
the worship of the true God. At the desire of 
Wilfrid the episcopal see was established in the pen- 
insula of Selsea. The cathedral church, was built near 
the scite where the parish church now stands.* The 
residence of the king, in Chichester, was on the 
spot where the bishop's palace now stands : which 
had formerly been the residence of the Roman pro- 

ii 4 praetors 

* Almost at the south-east corner of the charcMghtetu 



104 

praetors, or lieutenants, as appears from several coins 
which were dug up there in the year 1727, when 
the bishop's palace was rebuilt; at which time also, 
they found a curious pavement which had been laid 
by the Romans. Near to the king's residence was a 
temple dedicated to Thor, or Jupiter, supposed to 
have been erected by Cissa, near, and it may be on 
the very place where the cathedral now stands. As 
Wilfrid did not reside in Selsea more than four years 
(Le Neve says four or five years) he cannot be sup- 
posed to have finished the church there. That care 
devolved upon Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, 
and his successor Birthwald r the former of whom 
was consecrated in 668, and died in 690, as did the 
latter in 731, after having possessed that dignity 
thirty-eight years. Heylrn, in his help to history, 
(page 84) says, that the see of Selsea was governed 
by the bishops of Winchester till the year 711, when 
Eadbert was appointed thereto (Isaacson) by the 
South-Saxon king, and consecrated the same year 
by archbishop Birthwald. In the troubled state of 
this kingdom, at that time, it is very probable that 
the bishops of Winchester did govern this diocese for 

some 



105 

some years; by deputation from Theodore and Birth- 
wald ; but not by any permanent \isitorial power 
conferred upon them. 

During more than three centuries, the episco- 
pate of Selsea exhibits no more than a catalogue of 
names, till the reign of the Conqueror, by whose 
authority the see (i. e. the place of the bishop's re- 
sidence) was transferred from Selsea to Chichester. 
Agelrike the twenty-second bishop from Wilfrid, 
(both names included) succeeded in 10j7 ; and was 
deprived by the king in 1070, and Stigand, or Stig- 
andus, appointed in his room. This prelate was the 
last bishop of Selsea, and the first of Chichester. In 
what vear the removal took place is not very clcarlv 
ascertained. Where records, the legitimate pillars 
of history, fail, we must grope our way in the dark, 
as well as we can, and follow probability, which is 
far from being a sure guide. It is likely to have 
happened in 1081 or 180^2 — the nation was then in 
a state of apparent outward tranquility. A provin- 
cial synod was then holden by Lanfrank, archbishop 
of Canterbury, for settling the affairs of the church, 
and it is probable that the regulation of removing 

sees 



io6 



sees from villages to cities, was then adopted. Before 
this time, from 1066, the nation was in a perturbed 
state : and the monarch too much agitated to attend 
to lesser matters of internal policy. At the same 
time he began the survey of the kingdom, called 
Doomsday-book, because its evidence was decisive, 
and from its authority there was no appeal, 



CHAPTER 



107 



CHAPTER VIII. 

STATE OF THE CITY FROM THE YEAR 800, TO THE TIME 
OF THE NORMAN CONQUEST, A. D. 1066. 



V ERY early in the reign of Egbert, the South- 
Saxons were incorporated with their more potent 
neighbours of Wessex. Conscious of their inferio- 
rity and inability to maintain their independence as 
a separate state, it is most probable they readily 
accepted the tender of incorporation, that they might 
enjoy that security under the sceptre of Egbert which 
they could not otherwise hope to obtain. Thisunion 
was -honourable to Egbert, as it was established on 
conditions of justice and equality, and at the same 
time, advantageous to the people of both kingdoms. 
Almost all the kingdoms of the heptarchy were 
governed by tributary kings, after they were forced 
to submit to the superior power of the West-Saxons. 
It is acknowledged by all historians that Egbert me- 
dilated and planned the reduction of all of them, 

while 



io8 

while he remained in the court of Charlemagne, the' 
greatest prince in Europe, and who understood the 
art of government better than any of his cotempora- 
ries. In this school, and that of adversity, the prince 
of Wessex imbibed, and thoroughly digested, those 
maxims of political prudence, which pave the way 
to empire, and confer on the diadem a dignity and 
lustre which power alone cannot impart. From the 
Mercians he met with a more resolute and deter- 
mined opposition than from any other. Notwith- 
standing which, when his arms obtained the ascen- 
dency over them, both justice and prudence pointed 
out to him to use lenity towards them, and to win 
them over to him by mild and conciliatory measures. 
He listened to the wishes of the people, and permit- 
fed them to be governed by their own kings, and 
subject to their own laws and institutions, on their 
paying him a very moderate annual tribute, as an 
acknowledgement that they held their power in 
subordination to him, and dependent on the crown 
of Wessex. The same measures he adopted with the 
East-Angles, the Northumbrians, and, though no 
mention be made in the annals of the time, that he 
grafted the like indulgence to the South-Saxons, we 

mav, 



log 

may, I think, fairly conclude that he did : especially 
as Sussex was the first acquisition that he annexed 
to his crown. But be this as it may, we know that 
his son and successor Ethelwolf, in the first year of 
his reign, gave the government of Sussex, Kent, and 
Essex, to his eldest son Athelstan, with the title and 
dignity of king.* The place of his residence is no 
where mentioned; but it is most probable that it was 
at different places.f 

The state and populatiou of Chichester at this 
period, can no where be ascertained. We may how- 
ever, reasonablv suppose that it was in a flourishing 
condition for the time we treat of, if we take into 

the 

• See Saxon. Chron. 

t We must be careful not to confound this prince with 
another of the same name, the son of Edward the elder, whom he 
succceeded on the throne of England, a. D. $'25. The son of 
Ethelwolf was raised to the royal dignity by his father in the year 
8*5, and was a person of considerable activity, a quality which he 
neither inherited nor learned of his father. ' From circumstances, 
too tedious to mention, it appears that he dwelt principally in 
Chichester. He attacked the Danes who landed on this coast, 
several times; and was, for the most part, victorious. No farther 
traits of his history are to be found, how long he lived, nor where, 
nor in what manner he ended his days. His father Ethelwolf, 
died A. d. S57, in Chichester, and was burkd in Steyning.— -(See 
rius and William of Malms.) 



110 



the account that for three centuries it was the resi- 
dence of the South-Saxon kings — the resort of the 
principal persons of the state — : the centre of wealth, 
and of the arts — and the chief emporium in Britain. 
For reasons mentioned before, I conclude that the 
kingdom of the South-Saxons, though the least and 
the weakest in the heptarchy, was the most civilized 
and the most enlightened. The generality of the 
inhabitants were a commercial people ; and, though 
always surrounded^ and often involved in war, carried 
on a considerable traffic with the Gauls and Franks, 
more than any other part of the island. (See Sax. 
Chron.) And commerce, while it confines itself to 
its own province, and does not degenerate into specu- 
lation, nor monopoly, tends to enlighten and hu- 
manize mankind. 

At this time the coasts of Britain were very 
grievously infested by a race of ferocious and de- 
structive rovers, called Danes ; but who consisted of 
both Danes and Norwegians. It would fill a volume 
to mention all the descents which these merciless 
freebooters made upon these coasts for, more than 
two centuries. If they conquered in their attacks, 
the depredations they committed, and the carnage 

they 



Ill 

ihcy made, were unbounded : if they were beaten, 
they retired for the present ; but soon returned to 
the assault with fresh succours. The first time of 
their appearance was in the year 787, in the third 
year of the reign of Brithric, king of Wessex, in 
whose dominions they then landed, plundered the 
inhabitants, and murdered the officers whom the king 
sent to enquire who ihe\ were and what they wanted.* 
The (Irst attempt they made to settle in England, was 
a. d. 8j2 — when, after many battles fought with 
various success, they landed in the isle ofThanet; 
which they fortified, and kept possession of for several 
years : nor were they ever wholly expelled from 
Britain before their leaders made themselves masters 
of the crown of England. Even Alfred the great, 
though he reigned in the hearts of a people, who 
justly revered him for the many great and good 
qualities which he possessed, which were all exerted 
to promote their prosperity, and secure their happi- 
ness, found it necessary to accommodate matters 
with them, and concede to them the quiet posses- 
sion of no inconsiderable part of the kingdom. 

As 

* Henry, vol. Hi. p. 5# 



112 

As no part of Britain escaped the unwelcome 
visits of these merciless pirates, there can be no 
doubt the county of Sussex, and its metropolis the 
city of Chichester, came in for their full share of the 
general calamity. The valour and patriotism of the 
men of Chichester, in the days of Alfred, is thus re- 
corded in Milton's history of that reign — " The Danes 
" returning by sea from the siege of Exeter, and in 
" their way landing on the coast of Sussex, the men 
<c of Chichester sallied out, and slew of them many 
" hundreds, taking also some of their ships/'* One 
monument of their hostile visits, a Danish camp, 
still remains on the top of St. Roche's hill, a little 
more than four miles from the city, of a circular 
form, the fashion which is known to have been used 
by them: the date of its construction, I believe, is 
not on record. If I might be excused a conjecture, 
I should fix it in the summer or harvest of a. d. 992, 
in the reign of JLthelred, surnamed the unready. A 
reign than which there are few more calamitous in 
the English history. In the year 9S1, a few of these 
pirates plundered the town of Southampton, a. d, 
991, they disgorged from their ships a numerous 

army 

* See Milton's Hist, of Eng, small quarto, p. 211. 



army on the coast of Essex, which defeated and slew 
duke Brithnot, who acted as lieutenant of the county. 
Ethelred, instead of revenging this insult, gave the 
victorious robbers a bribe often thousand pounds to 
depart. The next yeor they returned (as might 
have been expected) in equal force; and landing 
" on the southern coast, penetrated a considerable 
cc way into the country, and left their fleet in the 
" harbour/'* in perfect security from all danger, 
except that of the elements. If this conjecture be 
right, the place of their landing was the harbour 
between Selsea and Pagham : from whence they de- 
tached a numerous and select band to plunder Chi- 
chester ; while the others scoured and desolated the 
country for many miles. As the city was duly forti- 
fied, it is not probable that the attempt agaii..; it 
succeeded ; as it has not attracted the notice of 
history. 

To awe the city and country, and to induce 
Ethclred to fulfil the object of their expedition, they 
encamped on the foremen tionefd spot ; where they 
remained, like a dark pestilential cloud, till they 
were warned, by a traitor in the English cabinet, to 

i depart. 

• See Sax.. Chron. and "William of Malms. 



ii4 

depart. Instead of bribing these murderers to spare 
his people, Ethelred, by the advice of his counsel- 
lors, had determined to block up their fleet in the 
harbour where they' lay. Of this determination the 
Danes received intelligence by the treachery of 
Ealfric, duke of Mercia, whom the king had ap- 
pointed to a joint command in the English navy. 
This man warned the enemies of his country of the 
danger which hung over their heads ; by which means 
they made a timely retreat, with very little loss; 
after remaining unmolested several months in En£- 
land.* In the summer of OSS, they landed again in 
the south-west of England, where they committed 
dreadful devastations, f 

In the year 1002, all the Danes in England, 
Nortbumbria and East Anglea excepted, were cruelly 
and shamefully massacred. They had, indeed, be- 
haved with great insolence, and treated the English 
with the utmost contempt : but nothing can justify 
the indiscriminate murder of any people. The weak, 
and cowardly Ethelred, at the instigation of some in- 
famous persons about him, conceived the horrid de- 
sign, and accordingly dispatched circular letters to 

every 
* See Sax. Chron.— j- Ibid. 



»*6 

every part of the kingdom, except the before-men- 
tioned places, and the thirteenth day (or rather 
night) of November, was fixed upon for the com- 
pletion of this detestable act. The bloody mandate 
was obeyed with the most rigorous punctuality. 
Neither age nor sex were exempted from the rage 
of an incensed dastardly people : the Christian and 
the Pagan shared the same fate.* This horrid act of 
perfidious cruelty was not long unrevengedby Svvein, 
king of Denmark. In 1014, the pusillanimous king 
of England fled from the avenging sword of the 

i 2 Danes 



* This is the account of this horrid tragedy, as it is handed 
down to us by almost all the English historians; notwithstand- 
ing which, the truth ol it may reasonably be doubted : we can 
hardly believe that Ethelred was so abandoned, so lost to every 
feeling of humanity, as to plan a deed so atrocious: and if that 
objection can be got over ; the difficulty, not to say the impossi- 
bility of putting the design into execution, forms an obstacle against 
the belief of this story insurmountable to every common degree of 
credulity. As so many were privy to the cruel manckte of assas- 
sinating so many unsuspicious persons, surely the horrid plot 
would have transpired, by some means or other, before the per- 
petration of it ! To believe otherwise is to suppose that the king, 
his court, and every one of his subjects, were fiends indeed of the 
very worst description ! That a similar massacre afterwards (in 
128-2) wasperpetraiedin Sicily is too well vouched to be disputed; 
but the ciiinate is different, and so was the religion, at least at the 
time of Ethelred, 



n6 



DaneS to Normandy, where he found an asylum In 
the court of Richard the second, and Swein seized 
upon the throne of England, of which he was pro- 
claimed king. 

During the reign of Ethelred, he paid several 
subsidies to the invading Danes to induce them to 
depart. The money was levied upon the people in 
a tax called the danegelt ( or danegeldt ) and was the 
first money-tax raised in Britain since the departure 
of the Romans, containing a space of more than five 
hundred years. 

In 1016, Canute the Dane, ascended the throne 
of England, which he obtained by conquest : the 
two sons of Edmund Ironside of the Saxon line 
were then alive, but their title was disregarded. 

The condition of the people of England at 
this time, was truly deplorable. No mathematical 
proposition admits a clearer demonstration than this, 
that war is destructive of the prosperity of the peo- 
ple—and that peace is the only element in which 
their happiness can be consummated. The long and 
bloody wars, in which they had been cruelly engaged 
for many years, about the succession, &c. were fol- 
lowed by their natural consequence, famine ; and 

the 



n 7 

the miserable people sunk into an untimely grave, 
for want of a sufficiency of the necessaries of life. 
Amidst the tumult and horrors of war, the cultivation 
of the land neither was, nor could be duly attended 
to. The enjoyments or sufferings of the great body 
of the people, in the calculations of the great and 
mighty, too often, are considerations of but trivial 
import, and no further regarded than as they them- 
selves are affected by the one or the other, and even 
the historian, who is no way interested in the suffer- 
ings of his fellow-creatures, will fill pages in des- 
cribing a battle, a scene of human slaughter, where 
hecatombs of simple men are immolated on the altar 
of pride and ambition, and then very gravely ac- 
quaints his readers, in one short line — " this year 
there raged a very Grievous famine in England." In 
the annals of the time we are informed, that there 
was a dreadful famine in England, a. d. 974, and 
another, equally grievous, three years after ; but we 
are not told from what cause they originated, nor to 
what height the calamity reached. Sometimes (tho' 
rarely) a little glimmering light is thrown upon this 
subject: in a famine, which took place a. d. 1043, 
in the second year of the reign of Edward the Con- 

i 3 fessor, 



n8 



fessof, we are told that wheat was sold for sixty 
Saxon pennies the quarter/* which contained as much 
silver as fifteen of our shillings, and were equal in 
value to eight pounds of our money ;f a price so 
extravagant that it must have involved the poor, and 
the class next above them, in the greatest distress. 

As we have no positive account that the Danes 
ever ravaged within the walls of Chichester, we there- 
fore conclude that they did not. This reasoning I 
am sensible is not conclusive ; but however that may 
be, the devastations they committed in the country 
abound for many miles, were equally ruinous and 
destructive to the city, the carnage alone excepted. 
Instead of carrying provisions from the villages to 
t e town, for the daily supply of the market, the 
affrighted peasant fled thither for sanctuary from 
those ruthless barbarians, increased the number of 
its inhabitants, and thereby added to their miseries, 

and accelerated their rujn.J 

From 

* See Sax. Chron. p. 65, 123. 
t I make ray computation from the value of money in 
England in the year 1792, and not at the present time, when the 
enormous emissions of paper currency have rendered the compara- 
tive value of it, difficult to be ascertained, and of very transient 
duration. 

I About the year 897, after Alfred had either expelled 
the Danes, or reduced those who remained to a state of subjection, 

he 



il 9 

From the union of tue heptarchy, in the Be- 
ginning of the ninth century, to almost the end of 
the eleventh, when the episcopal see was removed 
to Chichester, the city had very greatly declined in 
wealth and population ; both it's trade and manufac- 
tures were reduced to a very low ebb. This conse 
quence it will readily be admitted, must unavoidably 
have followed from the history and complexion of 
the times. 



he set himself, with the utmost activity to repair the monasteries, 
churches, and fortifications, throughout the kingdom, which the 
Danes had demolished or greatly defaced, during the many years 
they had infested this country. In the number oi fortifications 
which he repaired, we may reasonably include the walls, &c. of 
this city. 



1 4 CHAPTER 



12G 



CHAPTER IX. 

OF THE POPULATION, CIVIL POLICY OF THE CITY ,* VALUE OF 
LAND, STATE OF AGRICULTURE, &C. IN THE COUNTY. 



x ROM Nennius we learn, that in the seventh cen- 
tury, there were only twenty-eight towns in all 
England, and very few of them populous — and from 
Doomsday-book it would appear, that none of them 
except London, (and it may be Winchester) con- 
tained ten thousand inhabitants: by far the greatest 
part of them are said to contain only a few hundreds. 
York, the greatest city in that record, consisted of 
only eight hundred and seventy-eight inhabited 
houses, and the number of its inhabitants could not 
be supposed to exceed four thousand ; — in Exeter 
the number of houses mentioned was only three 
hundred and fifteen — in Warwick two hundred and 
twenty-three — and in Chichester only two hundred 
and eighty-three and a half — in which last the num- 
ber of inhabitants, reckoning five to a house, would 

barely 



121 

barely be 1420. It seems indeed probable, that the 
population of South-Britain in the times cf the hep- 
tarchy, was not greater than it had been before the 
Roman invasion ; and not near so high as before the 
coming of the Saxons.* But I shall show by and by 
that the account in Doomsday-book is not a proper 
ground for calculating the population of any place 
in particular, or of the country in general. The 
number of inhabitants in Chichester without doubt 
was far higher than fourteen or .fifteen hundred, ac- 
cording to that mode of computation; though no 
doubt can be made that it had greatly declined from 
the time of the Romans. While it was the residence 
of the South-Saxon kings, it was the centre of com* 
merce, and of the arts, which were then known. — 
The manufacture of iron is of very early date indeed 
in this county ; and most probably was first esta- 
blished by the Romans : nor do I think it an ex- 
travagant supposition that of them the natives first 
learned the art of making needles, and under their 
protection and encouragement, raised the trade to 
some eminence. I am aware that Stowe, in his 
Chronicle, sa^s that the art of making needles was 

first 
* Henry, Vol. III. p. 31ft, 



12 



first taught in London,, in the reign of queert Mar), 
by a black from Spain ; that before that the English 
knew nothing of it. But this is a very unlikely 
matter, the invention of it must have been coeval 
with the wearing of apparel, and the knowledge of 
it almost as general. All that the black did in the 
affair, we may well enough suppose, was to finish 
his work in a better manner than they knew before, 
for it is added, that he did not choose to teach his 
art, and therefore when he died it was lost. The 
Chichester needles w T ere prized not only in England, 
but in other parts — and we cannot think that they 
could have obtained a reputation and demand in the 
course of only seventy or eighty years, if the manu- 
facturers had known nothing of the art before. This 
article of trade would of course give employment 
to a great many hands — but the houses they inha- 
bited would be too mean to be taxed, and therefore 
would not be taken into the account in the Dooms 
day-book. 

It is not probable that either the manufacture 
of glass, or the making of malt, were known in Chi- 
chester, till after the Norman conquest, especially 
the latter. 

The 



123 

The Anglo-Saxons were divided into four 
classes; the lowest, and most numerous of which 
was that of the slaves — secondly, the frizalin, or freed- 
men, who had been slaves, but had purchased, or 
any other way obtained their liberty — thirdly, t^e 
cearls, (karles) or yeomanry, constituted a middle- 
class between the labourers and mechanics (who, 
were generally slaves) on the one hand, and the 
nobility on the other — and fourthly, the thanes, who 
were the companions of their princes, aid their 
attendants. Of these there were several ranks or 
degrees. A thane, who presided over a town or a 
shire, was called an eolderman : and in the Danish 
time an eorl or earl; and was always chosen by the 
freemen, at the shiregemot, or court, of the divi- 
sion over which he presided : both the civil and 
military, government of which, by the custom, and 
afterwards by the laws of the Saxons, were vested in 
him. When he appeared at the head of the military, 

is called dux, duke, or heretOgen * In the 
most antient time of the Anglo-Saxons, the office of 
e trl was not hereditary, -but elective. f And though 
in process of time, they were commonly succeeded 

by 

Spelnnm' .-'p. CSS f Ibid, p. 14,1, 142. 



124 



by their eldest sons, this was occasioned by the in- 
creasing power of the nobility, and not by any for- 
mal change of the constitution, even to this day. 
Some of the great thanes, we know, became pos- 
sesed of two, or three, or more eorldoms, rendering 
them too powerful for subjects, and enabling the son 
of one of them ( eorl Godwin) to usurp the throne. 

In each county the administration of justice 
was in the eorl, assisted by an officer under him, 
called shiregerieve, likewise chosen by the freemen 
at the said court. 

The shiregemot was holden twice every year : 
at which every freeman in the county, not only had 
a right to be present, but was in duty boimden to 
attend. In them the causes of the church were first 
determined, next the pleas of the crown, and last of 
all the controversies of private persons. After a 
cause was opened and clearly understood, and 
evidence produced on both sides, it was determined 
by the votes of all the freemen present ; which votes 
were taken by the lahman ; and then the eorl ( or in 
his absence the shiregerieve ) pronounced the judge- 
ment of the court. 

• While 



1^5 

While the Saxons remained in Germany, their 
territories were divided into districts, which we may 
term shires and hundreds — and we may suppose that 
they adopted a similar plan in this country — and 
moreover we are informed by Bede,* that such divi- 
sions were made before the union of the heptarchy. 
It is not, therefore, strictly true that Alfred the great, 
was the first that divided England into shires, hun- 
dreds, &c. All that that great man did was to make 
a more regular division of it than had been made 
before. 

The agriculture of the South-Saxons, and in- 
deed of all England, during this whole period, was 
in the most untoward condition. The Saxons, before 
their coming into Britain, committed the cultivation 
of their land to women and slaves. After their 
coming hither they subsisted on plunder for many 
years — but on the extirpation and expulsion of the 
Britons, when they had gotten the quiet possession 
of the country, and had no longer any enemy to 
plunder, they were then under the necessity of cul- 
tivating the land for their support. As they thought 
this employment too mean and ignoble for them- 
selves 
* Lib, V. C. J\ \ 



126 



selves to undertake, they therefore devolved it upon 
their slaves. The princes and great men, in the di- 
vision of the conquered land, got the greatest share, 
part of which they kept in their own hands, and had 
it tilled under the direction of a bailif : the rest 
they let to ceorls at moderate rents, which were 
generally paid in kind. By the laws of Ina, who 
lived in the end of the seventh, and beginning of 
the eighth century, a farm consisting of ten hides,* 
w T as to pay the following rent, ten casks cf honey, 
three hundred loaves of bread, (at stated times) 
twelve casks of strong ale, thirty casks of small ale, 
two oxen, ten wethers, ten geese, twenty hens, ten 
cheeses, one cask of butter, five salmon, and one 
hundred eels.f In some places the rent was to be 
paid in wheat, rye, oats, malt, hogs, sheep, &e. 
according to the nature of the farm, or the custom 
of the place. | Money rents were not altogether un- 
known in England during the heptarchy, but were 
very rare: and this custom (of paying rents in kind) 
continued after the conquest during the whole reign 

of 

* A hide of land contained abont three hundred and thirty- 
rive statute acres See Doomsday Book. 

i I.eges Sax. p. Cj £ Snelman's Glossary. 



127 

of William I. — fi 'and I myself ( says the author of the 
" black book in the exchequer) have conversed with 
cc several old people who had seen the royal tenants 
•'•' paving their rents in several kinds of provisions, 
Jj at the king's court/'* 

The low rent of lands is a certain proof of the 
very great imperfection of agriculture; and it appears 
from the records of the time, that there was very 
little alteration in them at the Norman conquest. It 
is true, that the proprietory o'l land were restrained 
by law from letting their lands at higher rents to the 
ceorls, because they were freemen ; and therefore 
(see Laws of Ina) had a right to be treated with in- 
dulgence, ff and to enjoy the productions of the 
earth in plenty and comfort." It may therefore be 
allcdged that the low rent which the land bore is no 
proof of the imperfect state of agriculture. But the 
price which it sold for will be admitted to be decisive 
on this head. The ordinary price of an acre of the 
best land then, in the tenth century, was sixteen 
Saxon pennies, (about four shillings of our money ) 
and equal in value to little more that two guineas of 
our present money (in 1802); at the same period 

twenty 

* Liber neger Scaceaiii, Lib. I. C. VIL 



123 



twenty fat wethers were worth twenty Saxon shil- 
lings.* So that four sheep were equal in value to 
an acre of the best land. This is so different from 
the present comparative value of land, that it would 
be incredible if it were not supported by the mosj 
irrefragable evidence. f The very frequent famines, 
which afflicted the country, before the incursions of 
the Danes, during the reigns of the Danish kings, 
and after the Norman conquest, afforded melancholy 
proofs of the wretched state of agriculture in those 
days. They ploughed, sowed, and harrowed, it is 
true, but all was done by wretched slaves, who were 
very little interested in the success of their labours, 
and therefore performed them in a negligent, super- 
ficial manner. Of manure they made but little use, 
and that too injudiciously. For many years the 
plough which the Saxons made use of had but one 
handle. Their principal grain was rye, barley and 
oats, and but little wheat, till many years after the 
conquest. At what time the Saxons first made use 
of the water-mill to grind their corn, I have not been 
able to find out. At first, and it may be for many 

years., 

* Note five Saxons pennies made one Saxon shilling. 

i Hist. Brit. XV. a Tho. Gall loin, I. p. 47 1 ? &c Sax, 

Chron. variis locis. 



129 

years, they ground it on an hand-mill, or quern, 
such as they use now in Shetland, and in some places 
of the highlands of Scotland. By the laws of Ethelbert, 
king of Kent, a mulct of twenty-five shillings, was 
imposed upon any man "who should debauch the 
king's grinding-maid." In 1086, when the survey 
of the kingdom was completed, there were more 
than one hundred and fifty water-mills in Sussex, 
rated at twenty-five pounds and three-quarters — as 
appears by Doomsday-book. 

When Wilfrid first came into Sussex, the in- 
habitants knew not the way of catching fish, except 
eels, though they possessed so extensive a tract of 
sea-coast ; and were by him instructed in this useful 
knowledge. " The bishop gained the affections ( says 
" Bede ) of the people of Sussex to a very wonder- 
" ful degree, by teaching them this profitable art, 
u and they listened the more willingly to his preach- 
" ing, as they received from him so great a temporal 
" benefit.'' After the Christian religion was fully 
established in the country, and the modes of the 
Romish church began to be adopted by the English, 
the trade of fishing became necessary on a religious 
account ; as both clergy and laity lived a good part 

k of 



130 

of the year on a fish diet. But we must observe that 
it was practised only by slaves, who were brought 
up to that employment. A considerable part of the 
rent of farms on the sea-coast, and those adjoining 
to rivers, were paid in fish, which obliged theceorls 
who occupied them, to bring up some of their slaves 
in that way. 

At a time when agriculture was so imperfect 
in England, it cannot be supposed that gardening 
had made great progress : and yet there is sufficient 
evidence that gardens were cultivated, for culinary 
purposes, in the times of the Romans, Britons, and 
Saxons ; that cabbages were raised, that fruit trc.es 
were planted, and even grafting practised towards 
the end of the sixth century * 

• Hist. Ellens, apud Gale. Lib. II. G. 1L 



CHAPTER 



13 1 



CHAPTER X. 

OF THE DWELLING HOUSES OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS THEIR 

CHURCHES BUILT OF WOOD FIRST STONE CHURCH IN 

ENGLAND BUILT BY FOREIGN ARCHITECTS INTRODUC- 
TION OF GLASS INTO ENGLAND OF THE NECESSARY AND 

ORNAMENTAL ARTS POETRY AND MUSIC CULTIVATED BY 

THE SAXONS OF C.EDMON, THE POET FRAGMENT OF 

HIS WORKS. STATE OF TRADE, EXPORT AND IMPORT 

OF MONEY COINAGE, cvl C. 



AS the latter expedition^ of the Saxons into Britain 
were undertaken evidently with the intention of 
settling here, it is matter of surprise that they set 
themselves to destroy and demolish the greatest part 
of the castles and principal buildings which they 
found in the country, instead of sparing them for 
their own accommodation. Some of these structures 
were of such solidity, as to have remained even unto 
this day, if they had not been demolished * The 

k 2 dwelling 

* The famous structure of Arthur's Oven, on the banks 
of the ii\<r Garroh, was almost entire when it was taken down, 
A. d. 1742. 



132 

dwelling houses of the Anglo-Saxons in general were 
mean, uncomfortable edifices; and even their nobility 
had no turn, nor any wish for magnificent buildings; 
but spent, or rather murdered, their great revenues 
in low and inconvenient mansions. Though the art 
of making glass was introduced into this country in 
the seventh century, no use was made of that elegant 
and commodious article in the houses of the thanes 
during this period, and but very rarely till long after * 

There Was a time (says Bede) when there was 
not a stone church in the country. c< Finan, the 
f* second bishop of Holy-island, built a church there 
(e a. d. 652, for a cathedral, which was not of stone 
" but of wood, and covered with reeds." The first 
cathedral of York was constructed of the same mate- 
rials. A stone church, even in the eighth century, 
was a very uncommon thing, and looked upon with 
wonder. So late as the beginning of the twelfth 
century, the first cathedral church of this diocese, 
(Chichester) which was finished a. d. 1108, was 
built almost entirely of wood. Of what materials the 
second fabric was made does not clearly appear. The 
first was burned the 9th of May, 1114, and the 

second 

* Anderson's Hist, of Commerce, Vol. I. p. $0. 



*33 

second finished and consecrated in 1222. Consider- 
ing the time it was in building, it is most probable 
that it was of the same materials; especially if we 
take into the account that it too, with the houses of 
the clergy, and almost the whole city, was destroyed 
by fire in the year 1 180. 

The cathedral church of Hexham, in the king- 
dom of Northumbrian built by saint Wilfrid,* if not 
the very first, is among the first churches in England 
built of stone. A particular account of it may be 
found in the life of Wilfrid, written by Eddius, his 
biographer, or rather his panegyrist. This edifice, 
of which some vestiges still remain, was built by 
masons, and other artificers, brought from Rome. 
About the same time the famous monastry of Were- 
mouth was built by Benedict Biscop, abbot thereof, 
by foreign (Roman J artificers; who "when the work 
" was far advanced, sent agents into France to pro- 
" cure some glass-makers; a kind of artificers quite 
• c unknown in England, and to bring them over to 
Ci glaze the windows of his church and monastery, 

k 3 " These 

mctime between the years 67() and 6S0, the precise 
Jate I cannot determine. The fabric it is probable was intended 
by Wilfrid for a monastery, and afterwards converted by Thee 
archbishop of Canterbury, into a cathedral church. 



134 

st These agents were successful, and brought several 
c( glass-makers with, them; who not only performed 
iC the work required by Benedict, but instructed the 
<c English in the art of making glass for windows, 
" lamps, drinking-glasses, and other uses."* From 
hence it appears that the principal edifices in the 
kingdom were built by foreign artificers, and that 
the art of making glass was introduced here by the 
above-mentioned abbot, a. d. 674. 

These edifices were constructed not in the 
Gothic model, (which afterwards was adopted in 
England, and of which many noble specimens re- 
main to this day) but were rude imitations of the 
Roman architecture ; low and gloomy, the walls un- 
proportionaily thick, the windows few and small, 
with semicircular arches at top, included in squares, 
or long-squares.f Though glass windows were thus 
introduced into England, and also the art of making 
glass ; glass-windows were confined to religious 
houses, and the use of glass-ware to the houses of 
the great, till after the conquest. 

The arts of the carpenter, joiner, and cabinet- 
maker, we may suppose must have been in no flou- 
rishing 

* Bedce Hist. Abbat. Weremouth, f Archaaolbgia 

Antiqua, p. 39, &c. 



135 

fishing condition. It was a rule among the Angld- 
Saxons, that no man should undertake to hold a 
plough who could not make one. The trades of* 
shoe-maker, taylor, and weaver, were all discharged 
by sla\es; and therefore, and for other obvious 
reasons, must have been in a very imperfect state 
amono- them. 

The metallic arts (if the expression be not 
improper) were brought to much greater perfec- 
tion in the period now under consideration. Plum- 
bery must have been very well understood ; as many 
of their principal edifices were covered with lead. 
The manufacturers in iron were much esteemed, and 
greatly encouraged ; because they made swords and 
other Warlike instruments. The clergy were en- 
joined, by their canons, to learn some mechanical 
trade, and " to practise therein, in their leisure 
■' hours ; that no part of their time might be spent 
" unprofitably." The famous saint Dunstan, arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, was the compleatest black- 
smith, brazier, goldsmith, and engraver, of his time* 
He died a. d. 9S8, in the ninth year of the reign of 
Ethelred IL 

k 4 However 

* Ang], Sacr, 



ip.6 



o 



However incredible it may appear, there is 
the most authentic proof that gold and silver were 
wrought into plate, coronets, bracelets, and various 
ornaments, both before and after the reign of Alfred 
the great. It is true, many of the artists were, 
foreigners; but by no means all of them, nor yet 
the greatest part. The most beautiful caskets, in 
which the relics of the saints were kept, ware called 
on the continent of Europe — " Opera Anglica," — 
English work. Even before the end of the seventh 
century, the art of embroidery was understood and 
practised in England. The four sisters of king 
Athelstan, were celebrated by historians, for their 
great industry and skill in spinning, weaving and 
needlework. A modern historian (Henry) informs 
us, that " a monument of this nature is still pre- 
<e served in the cathedral church of Bayeux, executed 
" by Matilda, wife of William, duke of Normandy, 
" and afterwards king of England : a web of linen, 
" only nineteen inches in breadth, and sixty-seven 
" yards in length ; in which is embroidered the his- 
" tory of the conquest of England, beginning with 
f - the embassy of Harold to the Norman court, a. d. 
Si 1065, and ending with his death at the battle of 

" Hastings, 



*37 



(C Hastings, a. d. 1066/'* The truth is, the fine aits, 
which were executed by the sons and daughters of 
freedom, were brought many of them, to an aston- 
ishing degree of perfection ; but the others, which 
fell to the lot of the slaves, were done in a bungling, 
slovenly manner. 

The antient Saxons had some knowledge in 
the art of carving in wood, and cutting in stone, the 
images of their gods, Woden, Thor, Sec. in a heavy, 
unskilful manner: but of painting they had no know- 
ledge. The first idea they seem to have conceived 
of it, they derived from Rome, from the English 
monks who resorted thither, and brought with them 
the pictures of the saints, 8zc. Even so early as the 
seventh century, the abbey of Weremouth was de- 
corated with several pictures of the saints, which the 
abbot brought from Rome for that purpose. Nor 
was it long before the English ( especially the clergy 
who had a genius for it) applied themselves to the 
stady of painting; and became no mean proficients. 
At first the pictures were introduced as helps to de- 
votion ; for those who could not read ( no small 
proportion, at that time, in every assembly:) and 

it 
* Henry's Hist, of Eng. vol. IV. p. 135. 



i 3 S 



if is on this footing that venerable Bede maintains 
their usefulness, , We are likewise informed, that 
towards the latter part of their history, the Anglo- 
Saxons excelled in that curious art, the art of paint- 
ing on glass. 

But the reader, who is not in some degree ac- 
quainted with the antient history of the northern 
nations, will be still more surprised to learn that the 
Saxons, whom I have all along represented, and 
truly represented^ as a rude, uncultivated, and fero- 
cious people, did nevertheless cultivate, with great 
assiduity and equal success, the sister arts of music 
and poetry. The propensity to these, even in the 
savage breast, is not inexplicable, but the explica- 
tion w T ould lead me too far astray from my subject. 
I must therefore only observe, that the credit of 
history is not to be shaken by metaphysical difficul- 
ties, drawn from the nature of man. The fact is un- 
deniable, and rests upon the united evidence of all 
the antient historians of the northern nations, Olaus, 
Wormii, LiteraturaDanica,Bede, William of Malmes- 
bury, the Saxon Chronicle, Anglia Sacra, Asserius, 
Northern Antiquities, and others that might be men- 
tioned. The poetic (ire was not extinguished, nor 

cooled. 



1 39 

cooled, by the rigours of the north, but burned as 
intensely under the arctic circle as in the temperate 
zone. The regions of eternal snow were warmed 
with the voice of melody, cheered by the harp of 
the musician, and every mountain, hill, and dile 
became vocal. The truth is ( however incredible it 
may appear) that Germany, Sweden, Denmark, Nor- 
way, and even Iceland, were the favourite seats of 
the muses at this period. (i All the inhabitants 
" of the north (says Olaus) composed in rhymes, 

* and verses, accounts of all things that deserved to 
,c be remembered either at home or abroad, that 

* thev might the more easily be instilled into the 
4Y minds of men, the more effectually handed down 
s to posterity." To these songs we are indebted, 
(though the songs themselves are vanished from ex- 
istence) for many particulars in the most antient 
part of our history Some of our historians honestly 
confess that they had no other authority for \ 

relate. The fame of Cccdmon, the South-Saxon 

of the seventh century, though the greatest 

part of his divine strains are lost, will be coeval 

with time itsch': will last (to borrow from his own 

beautiful expression) till the earth itself (whose 

creation 



1 A 6 

creation and dissolution he sung) " "shall^y from iU 
orbit and disappear." This sublime poet of nature, 
this prince of poets, of Anglo-Saxon poets at leasts 
was born in Thorney island, about the year 660 — 
by Bede we are told that he was the son of indigent 
parents, who lived in a small island in the south of 
England — that about the age of twenty he went and 
attended saint Wilfrid, who instructed him in the 
Christian religion, and expounded to him the pre-' 
cepts of the gospel — with him he removed to the 
north, and taking the cowl, lived and died in the 
abbey of Streaneshalch, (Whitby.) The fragment 
of his strains which remains, was preserved by Alfred 
the great ; who himself was not only the best of 
kings, but an excellent musician, and a poet above 
mediocrity.* 

We 

* The following lines are part of a fragment of liis Creation, 
" don into Ynglysse bye Ar. II."— perhaps Arthur Hall : he was 
a person of fortune, a member of parliament, a poet and antiqua- 
rian ; and lived in. the reign of Henry the Seventh-, or Henry the 
Eighth. 

Whan thae Zuprcme, egyrte wyth heofenbye treyne ? 
Yn nombre mo then glystenyng stars zat shayne, 
Woll'd thae creashon of thys wardle bek>e ; 
Wyth maun and bcste, :tnd ilka arb zat groe : 

Thae 



1 4 1 

We are told by historians, that before the con- 
quest, the Anglo-Saxons carried on a considerable 
trade with almost every nation in Europe : but as 
they have not informed us of what particular articles 
that trade consisted, either of export or import, 
very little can here be said on that head. The vast 
sums which Ethelred paid to the Danes to induce 
them to leave the country, is a sufficient proof that 
the export trade was then, or had, at some former 
period, been considerable, to enable him to raise the 

very 

Thae wyd ympyream, whilk nae thocht raae bounde, 
Frac whych thae strongest thocht tonics beck astownd, 
Feiltthae dred wol; onyussal mosbens hens 
Throcuowt thae Extent onlymited commens. 

Ye zonncs of Godd, zat sawe thys gloryess seine, 
And fyl'l wyth rapter showted out amayne, 
Oh lyt my mynd, and tcech my 'spyryn vers 
Thae wondeirs of creashon to rehers. 

Nae, ceasmyzowl, ne angils mocht declayre 
Thae warks of liym, hoose warkmanzip theye aire. 
Presum ne thow hys coonsyls to 'xploir, 
Zynk doun efore hys thron, and dreim nae moir. 

The gentleman who favoured me with the above informed 
me that he had in several places reduced the measure to some kind 
of regularity; as he apprehended the lines would not otherwise 
have been commonly intelligible. 



142 

very heavy contributions necessary for that purpose : 
and, on the other hand, if we reflect that for almost 
three centuries before the Norman invasion, the 
sea was covered with the pirates of the northern 
nations, we shall find no small difficulty in con- 
ceiving how that trade could be maintained. That 
the kings of England endeavoured as much as lay in 
their power to protect the trade of the people, there 
can be no doubt : but if they were unable to defend 
them from the depredations of the Danes by land, 
how could they protect them at sea? Unable to re 
concile these difficulties, with considerable regret we 
must leave' this part of history under the same dark- 
ness in which we found it. Athelstan made many 
wise regulations in order to increase the naval power 
and commerce of the nation : Ci if a merchant make 
" three prosperous voyages over the high sea, with 
sc a ship or cargo of his own,, he shall be advanced 
" to the dignity of a thane/' He also established 
mints in all the principal towns in England, in which 
number Chichester was included, and so was Lewes. 
Edgar the peaceable, also, according to the monkish 
accounts of him, (which ought to be read with cau- 
tion) was a great encourager of commerce, from 

• the 



M3 

the laws of Ethelred the unready, (as quoted by 
Brompton and Anderson) it appears, that in that 
reign, and probably before, there was a company of 
German merchants, called the emperor's me?i, re- 
siding in London, who were obliged to pay to the 
king twice a year, for his protection, two pieces of 
grey cloth, and one piece of brown, ten pounds of 
pepper, five pair of gloves, and two casks of wine. 
This is probably the company which was afterwards 
known by the name of the merchants of the steel yard. 
Canute the great, being a wise and magnanimous 
prince, gave great encouragement to the commerce 
of the country ; as we find recorded in Wilkins's 
Leges Saxonicae : with impartial hand protecting the 
industrious trader; not fostering a race of monopo- 
lisers to bolster up his own power, and pick the 
pockets of the people. It is with considerable con- 
cern we read in the same collection, an account of a 
regulation made by Edgar — (C that thirty three honest 
" men should be chosen in large towns, and twelve 
w in small towns, to be witnesses of all bargains in 
'* those towns ; and that no man should either buy 
" or sell but before two or three of those chosen 
" witnesses." A sad proof that little integrity was 

to 



144 

to be found, or at least that little mutual confidence 
obtained among the members of society. 

Slaves constituted a principal article of the 
export trade of the Anglo-Saxons. Unhappy men, 
women and children, were carried out of the island, 
and exposed for sale in all the markets of Europe * 
When a thane, or ceorl, was possessed of more stock 
than he wanted, he sold the overplus to some slave- 
merchant, who, as there was little demand at home, 
generally exported them. The mildest fate that 
awaited the prisoners taken in the wars between the 
Britons and Saxons, the Saxons and Danes, was to 
be sold to the slave-merchants, who generally found 
a ready market for them in Spain and Africa, among 
the Saracens.f This disgraceful traffic continued to 
even the end of this period, as we learn from William 
of Malmsbury, who adduces some shameful instances 
of "people selling their own nearest relations for 
te money: a custom (he adds) which we see prac- 
" tised in our own days/' 

Other articles of exportation were cattle, sheep, 
and hogs, and sheep's wool. English horses, which 
were universally admired, both for their shape and 

strength, 
*\ Bede, variis locis,«— -| Murat Antiq. 



MS 

strength, formed another article of exportation, some 
part of the present period. By a law of king Athel- 
stan, it was ordained — c< that no man should export 
" any horses beyond the sea, except such as he gave in 
" presents." This resolution gave a check to this 
branch of trade. In some records w wheat" is men- 
tioned as an article of exportation ; but this, con- 
sidering the state of agriculture in the country, if it 
be not a mistake, must have been very rare. 

Concerning the articles that were imported 
into England, in this period, our information is far 
from being compleat. Books, especially on religi- 
ous subjects, formed no inconsiderable part. They 
bore a very high price, and were in great request. 
The relics, pictures, and images of saints, were im- 
ported in great quantities; and formed a very lucra- 
tive trade. This traffic was managed by the priests ; 
who likewise imported the sacred vestments, altar- 
cloths, frankincense, &c. The English merchants 
visited Venice, and other cities of Italy, from whence 
they imported gold, silk, linen, drugs, spiceries ; 
precious stones, and other articles from Asia. Wines 
were imported from France and Spain ; cloth, of 
various kinds, from Flanders; and from Scandinavia, 

l fan, 



146 



furs, whale-oil, ropes, iron, Sec. In short, the im- 
port trade was such, as to furnish any of the inhabi- 
tants, who- could pay for them, with all the commo- 
dities that were then made use of in Europe. 

Farther — we may gather from a careful view 
of the history of the times, that the balance of trade 
was in favour of this country. The depredations 
and exactions of the Danes — the tax of Peter-pence, 
and other monies, annually sent to Rome— the ex- 
pensive journeys of the princes, prelates, thanes and 
others, into foreign countries— these continual drains 
must have carried off all the money in the kingdom, 
and left it exhausted, if fresh supplies had not arrived 
from some quarter : the great quantity of foreign 
coin that was current in England, and in which all 
the great payments were made,* is another evidence 
of the same thing. A great deal of gold and silver 
was converted at this time into plate, jewels, and 
ornaments,, for the churches and monasteries ;f and 
there can be no doubt but the money coined in 
England at this time increased. 

How soon after their coming into England, the 
Saxons began to coin money, is not clearly decided. 

By 

* Clarke on Coins . * f Idem, 



Hi 

By a careful perusal of their laws it will appear, that 
it was at a Very early date. In some of the laws of 
Kent, a. d. 571, we find their mulcts were to be 
paid in shillings. Now the shilling was not a Reman 
coin, but a Saxon. When gold and silver first be- 
came the medium of barter, they were paid by 
weight, without any impression on them : and the 
first impressions were only expressive of their weight. 
After they came to be coined, with some device or 
legend on them, every coined piece was to contain 
a certain regulated weight of these metals. Thus 
the Saxon pound, tjiough then as now, only a deno- 
mination of money, consisted of as many pieces of 
monev, as if thrown into the scale would have weighed 
a pound troy, nummulary weight. The money 
pound with them, (as with the other nations of 
Europe) was different from, and less than the com- 
mercial pound ; containing no more than eleven 
ounces and five penny-weights, troy: so that their 
pound, instead of being ofthevalue of three pounds, 
at live shillings per ounce of our money, was worth 
only two pounds, sixteen shillings, and three pen??. 
The Saxon shilling, not merely nominal, but a real 
coin, was the forty-eighth part of their (money) 

l 2 pound, 



148 



pound, or an hundred and twelve grains and a half; 
and their pennie (also real) the fifth part of their 
shilling, or twenty two and an half grains, troy 
weight. So that their money pound, instead of con- 
taining 5760 grains, consisted of only 5400 grains, 
or fifteen penny- weights less than the real pound 
troy. According to Mr. Clarke's treatise on coins, 
the Saxon money pound was exactly the same as the 
an tient Greek money pound, from whom, (that ac- 
curate writer says) they (the Germans) originally 
took it. 

The Conqueror made no alteration in the 
money weights, the same regulation continued to 
the year 1527, the eighteenth year of Henry the 
eighth ; when it was ordained by the king in council 
that " all manere of goulde and silver shall be wayed 
bye the pound troye whilk maketh tuelve oz. troye."* 

By the Saxon monuments, which have come 
down to us, we find that they had another kind of 
money among them; and which continued to be 
current in England for many years after the con- 
quest, namely living money ; i. e. slaves and cattle 
of every denomination ; which had a certain value 

set 
* See Tables of English Silver Coin. 



149 

set upon them by law. In those places where money 
was scarce, all debts were paid and purchases made, 
with living money. The same practice prevailed 
both in Scotland and Wales, during the time under 
consideration .* This shows that the quantity of me- 
tallic money was but little in Britain, (so was it also 
in every nation in Europe") and not adequate to the 
demand. The rulers of kingdoms in those days, no 
doubt, felt the inconvenience, which made them 
adopt the expedient of increasing the currency, by 
means of a substitute ; but they took care that the 
value of the succedaneum should be real, not imagi- 
nary, nor delusive, 

Alfred the Great was one of the richest of the 
Anglo-Saxon kings; yet he bequeathed no more to 
each of his two sons, than five hundred pounds, and 
one hundred pounds to each of his three daughters, 
being not more than 1406/. 12s. to each of his sons, 
and 281/. 12s. to each of his daughters. f 

* Anderson's Diplomata Scotia? Camden's Remains. 

t Testamentum iElfredi, apud Asscr. p. 23. 



l 3 CHAPTER 



15® 



CHAPTER XI. 

THE MORAL CHARACTER OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS THEIR 

LONGEVITY THEIR DOCILITY AFTER THEIR CONVERSION 

—CREDULITY VENERATION FOR RELICS PROPENSITY 

TO THE MONASTIC LIFE PILGRIMAGES JUDICIAL ASTRO- 
LOGY, &C. GRANT OF THE TITHES TO THE CLERGY 

POLICE OF THE. CITY. 



I O enable a reader to form a just judgment of any 
people, no information is more necessary than that 
which relates to their moral character, their manners 
and customs : for the honour and happiness of na- 
tions, as well as of individuals, depend more on these 
than on outward circumstances. A virtuous people 
cannot be contemptible; nor a vicious nation long 
prosperous and happy. From history we learn, that 
the great empires of antiquity, which awed and 
plagued mankind, owed their decay and dissolution 
more to internal corruption, than to the sword of 
their enemies. 
***- That 



'5 1 

That the Anglo-Saxons were a rude, ferocious 
people, in the former part of their history, is too 
evident to be disputed : every trait of their character 
as it displays itself in Britain, -Showed" that nothing- 
could be farther removed from cultivation, than 
their manners. Fierce and warlike, thev hardly knew 
what humanity meant. Yet were they not destitute 
of every good quality. The\ were punctual in ful- 
filling their engagements: sincere and constant in 
their friendships and attachments. The chastity of 
their young men and women waS exemplary, and 
their fidelity after marriage not less commendable. 
In hospitality no people or nation ever exceeded 
them — this virtue they derived from their ancestors 
the Germans :* and after their conversion to Chris- 
tianity, this disposition was strengthened by motives 
of religion. The English kings, of this period, ex- 
pended a great part of their revenues in making 
sumptuous, heavy entertainments': and in imitation 
of them, the thanes, and rich men among them, spent 
a great part of their incomes in a rude kind of hos- 
pitality. In the monasteries, travellers and strangers 
of every denomination, (rich and poor) were re- 

l 4 ceived, 

* Tacitus — De Morib. German. 



152 

ceived, and kindly and plentifully entertained. — 
Another commendable disposition prevailed almost 
universally among them in the former part of their 
history, which was the great attachment, and th~ 
warmth of affection which subsisted among them for 
their family and relations. In their perse ns they 
were remarkably tall, strong and robust; and in 
consequence thereof, many of them lived to a great 
age. Cissa, who re-built the city of Chichester, died 
at the age of one hundred and seventeen years, as 
mentioned before. One of the monks of Croiland, 
named father Clarenbald, a. d, 973, lived to the pro 
tracted age of one hundred and sixty eight years. 
Father Swarling died the same year, and at the same 
place, aged one hundred and forty-two years, and 
father Turgar, in the same abbey, and near the same 
time, at the age of one hundred and fifteen years. 
These instances of longevity, and several others, are 
related by Ingulphus, an author of credit^ who him- 
self was abbot of Croiland. The list among so robust 
a people, as the Anglo-Saxons were, would have 
been greater, and n<^ doubt still more remarkable, 
had they practised temperance in eating and drink- 
ing more than they are said to have done. 

When 



*53 

When they become converts to Christianity, 
they manifested a great docility of temper, a desire 
to be taught, and a sincere disposition to be religi- 
ous — if they had been rightly instructed : an happi- 
ness which they did not enjoy; because, at that 
time, the Christian religion was corrupted at the 
fountain head, to a very great degree. To the mo- 
nastic life they shewed a wonderful propensity. How 
greatly changed in the course of a few centuries ! 
when the descendents ofHengist and Horsa, of Ella, 
Cerdic, Ida and Ufla, dropping both the sword and 
the sceptre, hasted to end their days in the seats of 
sloth and superstition ! No fewer than ten kings, 
and eleven queens, among the Anglo-Saxons, and 
nobles without number, forsook the world and re- 
tired to monasteries. At first, and for some con- 
siderable time, this infatuation raged almost exclu- 
sively among the great : but, by and by, as they 
have ever done in all cases, their inferiors followed 
their example. To account for this great change, 
the annals of the clergy must be examined; and in 
them we shall find a full solution. — When eorl Alwine 
consulted the famous saint Oswald, what he should 
do to obtain the remission of his sins, the pious 

bishop 



*54 

bishop informed him that those holy men who re- 
tired from the world, and spent their time in fasting 
and prayer, were the greatest favourites of God; 
that it was for their sake, and at their intercession, 
that the world was preserved from coming to imme- 
diate dissolution. "I advise you therefore, (con- 
€C tinued he) if you have any place in your estate, 
" proper for that purpose, immediately to build a 
" monastery there, and fill it with holy monks; whose 
<f prayers will supply all your defects, and expiate 
ie all your crimes."* In consequence of this advice, 
the earl built Ramsey abbey. — It was not only in 
England, at this time, but throughout all Europe, in 
Asia, in Egypt, and other parts of Africa, and in 
short, wherever Christianity prevailed, that the mo- 
nastic delusion obtained. 

It would be no difficult matter to trace' this 
institution to Rome, Alexandria, &c. as its fountains. 
Some men of a splenetic disposition and heated ima- 
gination may first have conceived the idea of sequest- 
ering themselves from society, and retiring from 

the 



* Hist. Ramsiens.— Charity induces us to hope that this 
advice was sincere, and well intended ; and flowed from the full 
conviction of his mind — a mind blinded by superstition ! 



*55 

the world; but if they had not been abetted and 
supported by persons in power, so wild a conceit, a 
turn of mind so unnatural, would soon have come to 
nothing, and been given up. From those sources 
of error and imposition, the prelates received tl e'r 
commissions, in consequence of which they exerted 
themselves to promote any scheme calculated to ir- 
crease the patriarchal power and dominion, in which 
their own was involved. They failed not to inculcate 
in those who were rich, that the end of the world 
was near, and the day of judgment at hand. S^me of 
the charters which are still extant, begin with these 
words — " Synce the ende of the wourlde is at har.r 
&c* and therefore every man, who had any con- 
cern for his own salvation in a future state, die! not 
neglect to appropriate some of his wealth in his last 
will, for that purpose. "King /Ethelwolf, (says 
" Asserius) like a wise man, in his last will, divided 
" his estate between his soul and his children: what 
" he gave to his children I need not mention ; what 
" he gave to his soul was as follows :"f and then 
follows an account of donations to the church. 
Sometimes an abbot would give to some great man 

an 
• Hickesii Dessert. Epis. p. 77.— t Asserii Vita JElfredi, p. 4. 



156 

an estate during his life, on condition that after his 
death it should revert to the monastery, accompanied 
with another estate of equal value, for the good of 
his soidi and to secure his admission into the kingdom 
of Heoffin. Very great and undeserved praises are 
bestowed by the monkish historians, on iEtheric, 
bishop of Dorchester, for the adroitness by which he 
procured an estate for the abbey of Ramsey, in the 
reign of Canute. The proprietor, it appears, was a 
Danish nobleman, whom iEtheric contrived to make 
drunk, and while he was in that state of intoxication, 
purchased the estate of him for a very trifling sum ; 
greatly under its value.* If this story be faithfully 
narrated, ^Etheric, instead of praise for his acuteness, 
deserved to have been chastised as a rogue and a 
swindler. 

The Anglo-Saxons were also very fond of pil- 
grimages; especially after the beginning of the 
eighth century. Few persons ( if their circumstances 
would at all admit of it) could die in comfort or 
peace > unless they had visited Rome, kissed the pope's 
feet, and said their oraisons at the (pretended) se- 
pulchres of saint Peter and saint Paul. But it does 

not 

* Hist. Eliens. p. 44 L 



*57 

not appear from the annals of those days, that the 
morals of the pilgrims (especially of the females) 
were at all improved by their religious peregrina- 
tions. There are accounts that three or four of the 
bishops of Selsea performed these pilgrimages,* and 
it is probable that many more of them did, whose 
names are not mentioned. One of them (Ethelgar) 
it is said was attended by a considerable retinue. 
Perhaps some of the thanes or yeomanry of his 
diocese accompanied him. 

Another remarkable trait in the- character of 
this people was their veneration for the relics of 
saints, &c. William of Malmesbury represents it as 
the peculiar glory of England that it abounded more 
with saints and relics than any other country. " What 
;c shall I say (says he, p. 57) of all our holy bishops, 
" hermits, and abbots ? Is not this whole country 
7 so glorious and refulgent with relics, that you can 
<c hardly enter a village of any note, without hear- 
" ing of some saint; though the names of many of 
" our English saints have perished for want of re- 
" cords !" The rage for relics (a trade which can 
exist only in times of great superstition) was general 

among 

* See Spelman. 



i.^8 



among ail descriptions of people in England ; and 
in a particular manner among the clergy,, who were 
the importers and merchants of the holy wares. A 
thousand improbable tales of miracles said to be per- 
f r rsej by those relics, were invented by the monks, 
and implicitly believed by the credulous people. 

They e\inced likewise a great propensity for 
psalmody, or singing of psalms; especially after the 
introduction of organs into churches, in the ninth 
century. In some cathedrals, and in many of the 
larger monasteries, this kind of devotion was con- 
tinued day and night, with very little intermission, 
by a regular succession of priests and singers. 

It is remarked by several of the antient histo- 
rians, who have written the history of the Anglo- 
Saxons, that soon after they embraced Christianity, 
their ferocity began to abate — they became more 
peaceable — and a superstitious devotion succeeded 
that warlike disposition which so strongly marked 
their character before. To this change it is asserted, 
and the consequences of this change, they owed all 
the calamities and disgraces which afterwards befel 
them, when they were invaded by the Danes; these 
calamities, it is true, may be attributed, with very 

great 



*59 



great reason, to the circumstance of their princes 
and great men flying from the world, and shutting 
themselves up in monasteries, and inducing through 
every rank and description of life, such a spirit of 
superstition, and such apathy of every worldly con- 
cern, as is incompatible with public spirit, or true 
patriotism. So greatly was the national character, 
at this time, degenerated ; that they could hardly be 
induced to face their invaders in the field, on any 
terms whatever :* a small party of Danes would 
attack and rout a numerous army of the English. 
u When an Englishman met a Dane in a narrow path, 
" where he could not avoid him, he was obliged to 
u stand still, with his head uncovered, and in a bow- 
" ing posture, as soon as the Dane appeared, and to 
•• remain in that poUure till he was out of sight."f 
The author of this quotation produces several ex- 
amples of the barbarous insolence of the Danes, 
and the abject submission of the English, which 
Id not be credited, if the insolence of the one, 
Lameness of the other, were not confirmed 

It 
[enry's Hist, of Eng. Vol. IV. p. 31?. 
t Ponlopopidon Ge&ta Danoi. t. 2. p. 130. 
I Saepenumero decern aut duodecim Dani rtlrernis vicibus ux- 
orcmvel Filiam vel C ani vitiant, ipso Thyano spec- 

tante, nee prohibere audc::te.— — Hickesii Thesaur. t. 1. p. 103. 



t6o 



It was remarked before, that the credulity of 
the Anglo-Saxons was extreme, so was their super- 
stitious faith in ghosts and apparitions: a weakness 
which the common people in some counties of Eng- 
land have hardly surmounted to this day. At the 
time we now treat of, and for many centuries after, 
had all the graves in England opened their " pond- 
erous jaws/' and sent out their inmates on vain noc- 
turnal expeditions, they would hardly have been 
sufficient to produce the many apparitions which 
were reported to have been seen in every solitary 
place in the country, and almost in every house. As 
reason and sound philosophy prevail, these phantoms, 
or rather the belief of these phantoms, retires, as 
darkness before the sun. 

Not less remarkable were they for another 
kindred weakness which sprang from the same source, 
namely, an eagerness to pry into futurity, and to 
discover the events which were to happen to them- 
selves and ethers, by means of judicial astrology- 
This propensity exposed them to the impositions of 
a set of wretches calling themselves fortune-tellers : 
who pretended, by means of the stars, to have ac- 
quired a knowledge which the wise and gracious 

governor 



i6i 



governor of the world ha&reserved in his own hands, 
and communicated to none of his creatures. The 
tricks which were passed upon the people, by those 
wrinkled secretaries of fate, were innumerable, and 
some of them so barefacedly impostures, that in 
reading of them we wonder they did not discover, 
however weak they might be, that the whole mystery 
was no more than a juggle. Yet these hags were 
attended like queens ; and treated by the great men 
and ladies of those days with a degree of attention 
and veneration trulv astonishing;. Bartholin, the 
Danish historian, mentions one of them, named 
Heida, 'who was constantly attended by thirty men 
servants, and waited on by fifteen young maidens/ '* 
Princes and great men, when they invited these im- 
postors to their houses, made as great preparations, 
and received them with as much pomp and formality 
as if they had been the ambassadors of some mighty 
potentate. When the leaders, of the people were so 
blind, we may judge that the optics of the other 
classes were not more enlightened. 

The account of the religion of this period has 
been anticipated in part by the transient remarks in 

M the 

• Bartholin, Lib- HI. C. IV, 



102 



the preceeding pages. The Danish invasions were 
productive of several consequences of great impor- 
tance. These men being pagans, as well as savages, in 
every visit never failed to attack and plunder the mo- 
nasteries, in which the clergy generally resided; many 
of whom they butchered or buried in the ruins of 
these edifices : in consequence of which many of the 
monks relinquished an institution which exposed 
them to so great danger; and others of them, who 
still" adhered to their profession, retired into country 
villages; which occasioned the building of many 
parish churches throughout the country. Another 
consequence was, that the clergy, after their dis- 
persion, generally embraced a married life : which 
in the issue was productive of disputes and bitter 
animosities among them, and ended in the papal 
decree for the celibacy of the clergy. 

In the reign of Ethelwolf — this prince, in a 
great council holden at Winchester, a. d. 855, at 
which were present the two arch-bishops, all the 
other bishops, and the greatest part of the nobility, 
gave to the church the tenth part of the produce of 
all the lands in the kingdom. Before this time the 
clergy had been supported by the lands given by the 

king, 



iS3 

king, and other great men ; a tax of one pennie on 
every house worth thirty Saxon pennies per annum, 
and by the voluntary oblations of the people. The 
good king Alfred, at a very considerable expence, 
repaired the monasteries and churches which the 
Danes had demolished ; and invited the clergy, who 
had fled, to return to their former residences. Many 
of them accepted the invitation ; and returning took 
with them their wives (whom they had married in 
their retreats) and their children : this, in the mean 
time, was the cause of much scandal and offence ; 
and in the next age, these married canons were 
ejected from the monasteries by saint Dunstan, arch- 
bishop of Canterbury and bishop of London, saint 
Oswald, arch-bishop of York and bishop of Worcester, 
and -Tthelwald, bishop of Winchester — monks of the 
Benedictine order, and furious zealots for the celi- 
bacy of the clergy. The two first of these have been 
canonized by the church of Rome, and unsainted (if 
I may be permitted the expression) by the English 
historians, who have written since the reformation. 
That they were much too violent in their proceed- 
ings must be acknowledged, but it will not follow 
from thence that their intentions were bad. They 

m 2 endeavoured 



164 



endeavoured to sublimize human nature beyond its 
capacity ; to raise it to a degree of perfection attain- 
able only by progressive steps, if attainable at all. 
i^Ethelwald died a. d. 984, saint Dunstan in 988, and 
saint Oswald in 993. In their life time these three 
ecclesiastics so far out-shone the other bishops in the 
kingdom, (many of them far better men and better 
Christians than themselves) that their names are hardly 
mentioned in history: among whom we may reckon 
Ethelgar, bishop of Selsea, who succeeded Dunstan 
in the province of Canterbury ; unfortunately for 
the peace and quiet of the church, the time that he 
filled that high station was short, only fifteen months. 
^Elfric, who succeeded him chose rather to tread in 
the steps of saint Dunstan, than to follow the more 
placid example of his immediate predecessor. 

In the ecclesiastical laws, made in the reign of 
Canute, there is one canon which forbids ec worship- 
ing the sun, moon, fire, &c." by which it would 
appear that, at that time, the pagan religion was not 
entirely eradicated. Another of these canons pro- 
hibits the practice of "wychcrafte," and "the com- 
mitting of murder by magicke."* King Edward, 

called 

* Johnson's Canons. 



165 

called the confessor, was a great benefactor to the 
church: the last year of his life he employed in 
building the famous abbey of Westminster,* which 
he dedicated to saint Peter, endowed with great 
riches, and bestowed on it many valuable privileges 
and immunities, j* 

The tenth and eleventh centuries may without 
impropriety be called the midnight of papal darkness: 
a time it was of profound ignorance, delusion and 
superstition, to such a degree, that the human mind 
seemed to have lost its energy — no dawn of hope 
remained — and no human penetration could discover 
by what means the solid gloom, which enveloped 
this island, could ever be dispelled ! By the vast 
donations and grants which were given and made to 
the monasteries and churches, during this long night, 
it is computed that at the death of the Confessor, a 
third part of all the lands in England, and one half 
of all its riches, were in the possession of the church 
and the clergy. We need not then be surprised that 
the country became a prey, first to the Danes, and 

M 3 soon 

This was taken down by Henry III. who erected the pre- 
sent magnificent structure in the room ol it — except that part 
Galled Henry the Seventh's chapel, which was built by that prince, 
t Dugdale's Monast. 



i66 



soon after to the Normans — as the influence of all this 
wealth centered at last in the Roman pontiff, and not 
in the rulers or people of this kingdom. 

The candid reader will see that it is impossible 
to give a full and circumstantial account of the state 
of the city immediately before the conquest. From 
Doomsday-book it appears that in the reign of the 
Confessor, not only all Chichester, with very few 
exceptions, but almost all the county, belonged to 
the eorl, i. e. earl Godwin, the father of king Harold 
the second. The administration of justice was there- 
fore vested in him. Being a garrison town, it was 
divided into wards— these were ten in number — two 
in each of the four streets, called the Upper-ward 
and Low r er-ward — the Vintry^-ward, and the Pallant- 
ward."* Each ward was governed by two constables, 
who were under the direction of two head-boroughs 
or high-constables, for the whole, who presided each 
half a year, and took their authority from the eorl, 
to whom they were answerable for the discharge of 
their awn duty, and that of all the constables who 

acted 

* Vifltry.-ward contained saint Martin's, saint Mary's, and 

the. Friary and the Pallant-ward, that winch is now called the 

Pallant 



167 

acted in subordination to them. In some of the 
oldest charters of the city, which are now in exis- 
tence, namely those of king Stephen, and Henry II, 
mention is made of the merchants' guild, as an in- 
stitution that had obtained therein from time imme- 
morial,* whether from the time of the Romans, can- 
not be ascertained ; we can only say that it is proba- 
ble. Whether the emperor's menf ( who resided in 
London ) traded with Chichester, cannot be deter- 
mined with certainty ; but as they had agents, or 
factors, in many of the principal towns in England, 
it is most probable that they did. We ground a hope 
that the merchants of Chichester were not concerned 
in the slave trade, on the certain knowledge that 
London and Bristol were the principal, if not the 
only ports in the kingdom, from whence that inhu- 
man traffic was carried on, 

* Vide Appendix. 

fThey were called emperor's men; but might with 
more propriety have been denominated imperial men; for 
many of them belonged to, and came from the Hans Towns of 
Germany, and traded not for the emperor, but for themselves and 
their firms. 



m 4 CHAPTER 



i68 



CHAPTER XII. 

A RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF THE DWELLING-HOUSES OF THE 

CITY AT DIFFERENT TIMES AND A LIST OF THE CHURCHES 

IN THE COUNTY OF SUSSEX,, AT THE TIME OF THE NORMAN 

CONQUEST. OF THE POPULATION OF THE COUNTY AT 

THAT TIME. 



JL FIND it impossible by any research whatever, to 
give an account of these (i. e. the houses in Chi- 
chester) before that remarkable sera in our history, 
the coming of the Romans into Britain. It is not 
improbable that the first buildings that were erected 
here were the walls ; that is mounds of earth, raised 
to a considerable height, intermixt with felled trees; 
and covered on the top with the same, as a kind of 
fortifications, to defend the inhabitants from the at- 
tacks of their enemies, whom they had driven from 
thence, or of future emigrants from the same place 
they themselves had come from. Be this as it will, 
we know enough of uncivilized man, from antient, 
and especially from modern history, to justify me 

in 



i6g 



in this conjecture ; and farther, that It was the first 
or second colony or band of Belgian emigrants that 
built them, But at what time I take not upon me 
to give any opinion : it may have been many, and 
perhaps only a few centuries before the Romans 
landed in this island. I think there can be no doubt 
but the houses which they raised to defend them- 
selves from the severity of the weather, were only 
wigwams at first. As they carried on a kind of traf- 
fic with the continent, in process of time, they 
learned from thence a something more commodious 
manner of building. The first improvement was 
plastering their wigwams with clay, or covering 
them up with turf. The next step — changing the 
shape of the building from round to square, or a 
long square : raising a kind of roof, and covering 
that roof with divet or turf. The upright walls con- 
sisted of stakes driven into the ground, crossed with 
small branches of trees, and lined and covered with 
a coat of clay. In this state of perfection or imper- 
fection, Ca?sar found the habitations of the Britons ; 
on which he has bestowed the name of mdificia. We 
may conclude that the walls were moated round soon 
after they were raised : and the streets and lanes 

marked 



270 

marked out by some of their druidical chiefs, or 
more probably in after ages by the Romans. 

The British Belgae being deservedly a favourite 
people with the Romans, enjoyed many privileges: 
they protected and promoted their foreign traffic ; 
so that while they (the Romans) remained here, 
almost the whole foreign trade of the island was in 
their hands. This was attended with many advantages 
to them : it procured them great comparative wealth, 
and consequently opened to them a door of improve- 
ment — a relish for, and access to the enjoyment of 
the comforts and decencies of social life. Add to 
this, Chichester was the residence of the Roman pro- 
praetor;- and therefore a place of eminent resort. 
By which and other means it was, that in the course 
of a few years, it experienced a great and beneficial 
change : their mean, uncomforable huts were changed 
into decent edifices ; and the uncultivated inhabitant 
converted to a respectable member of society, and 
a denizen of Rome, the mistress of the world, the 
glory and admiration of the world ! So sudden, at 
this ever memorable period, did Chichester emerge 
from a state greatly below mediocrity, to be, if not 
the most populous, at least the most opulent and 

eminent 



1 7 1 

eminent place in the island. So that in forming an 
estimate of the buildings of the city before the demo- 
lition of it by Ella, the Saxon, it will appear to great 
advantage. The houses no doubt were constructed 
after the Roman model, low and heavy, and the walls 
almost as thick as castle walls : but still they were con- 
venient and elegant in the highest degree, in compa- 
rison with what they had been before. How partial 
the Romans were to Chichester may be inferred from 
their building here, and no where else in Britain, a 
temple to their gods. The southern inhabitants were 
happily rcmo\ed from the incursions, depredations, 
and massacres of the Scots and Picts ; and it may be 
that they had the prudence or selfishness to stand 
aloof from the broils and calamities in which their 
countrymen in the northern districts were involved. 
If so, the sword of Ella soon revenged their unpa- 
triotic apathy. Their mansions were burned or 
levelled with the ground, and themselves slaughtered 

without distinction, and without mercy. His son 

and successor Cissa (from whom the citv derive* its 
present name) it is true, did all that in him lay to 
repair the devastations which his father had made, and 
to atone for the barbarities he had committed. But 

his 



1 72- 

his power was limited and circumscribed by his fero- 
cious countrymen,, who had no idea of shewing cle- 
mency to slaves whom they had conquered in battle, 
and who, having hitherto lived in booths and tents, 
hardly entertained a wish for any more comfortable 
mansions. So that the business of re-building the 
city, in these circumstances, must have gone on very 
slowly, and it must have been in condition much in- 
ferior to what it was before. 

" Tantas molis erat Cicestrensem condere Urbam." 

The habitations of the Saxons, in the former 
part of their history, in this country were very mean, 
and though in the latter part of their time they were 
considerably improved; yet they still continued in a 
state far removed from respectable, if compared with 
the dwelling houses on the continent. It is observa- 
ble that at no time are they said to have excel led in 
architecture : a circumstance which may readily be 
accounted for. Before the union of the heptarchy, 
through the turbulence and ambition of their kings 
and chieftains, they were almost incessantlv engaged 
in wars : and afterwards grievously harrassed by the 
Danes and Norwegians. Their first annals are stained 

with 



*73 

with blood, and their last almost equally dishonoured 
with superstition. The transition from the one to 
the other was so rapid, that the historian pauses to 
record a change so extraordinary, lest it should 
stagger belief, and bring his veracity into suspicion. 

It is recorded of the antient Grecians that they 
erected vast and magnificent temples for their gods, 
and other public edifices, and lived in mean habita- 
tions themselves : so the Saxon-English, after they 
became converts, I do not say to Christianity, but 
to poperv, built extensive monasteries and churches, 
and resided themselves in low, contemptible man- 
sions. So that in surveying the dwelling houses in 
Chichester, from its demolition by Ella to the time 
of the Norman conquest, we must carefully avoid in 
our ideas every tiling that is magnificent or approach- 
ing to elegance. In the time of the heptarchy per- 
haps the king's palace was a spacious structure; but 
there is no reason to suppose that it was a magnifi- 
cent building. 

It has been observed before that Vespasian was 
sent hither by the emperor Claudius ; as he met with 
no opposition from the Regni, he therefore, in re- 
turn, conferred on them every mark of friendship, 

which 



i'74 

which a great and generous people could bestow. 
They shared with them the spoils taken in war ; their 
trade was taken under their protection, and new 
channels opened for the extension of it. They 
taught them the arts, and initiated them in the 
sciences, then known in Rome; raising them to a 
state of some eminence, from the most degraded 
condition; i. e. not the state of nature, but nature 
corrupted and perverted by the barbarous political 
institutions which then prevailed among them, Not 
only their dwelling houses, but their manner of liv* 
ing experienced a thorough change and reformation. 
While the other parts of the island were subject, some 
to the calamities of an unequal war, and others to 
the hard conditions of a conquered people, the Regni 
ajone w ere called the friends and allies of the Romans; 
and as such treated by them with distinguished par- 
tiality. It is not unreasonable therefore to aver that 
this place (whatever name it bore) w 7 as superior in 
all respects to every other in Britain. To those who 
attend only to the present comparative greatness of 
the cities and towns in England, this assertion will 
appear extravagant and inadmissible ; but others who 
consider that the destinies of Britain at that time, 

were 



*75 

were only beginning to unfold themselves ; and that 
the political state of Europe, then hinged upon 
maxims very different from the present, will find no 
difficulty in admitting the probability of it. The 
town of Lewes in this county, was its greatest rival 
in trade of any in this island : and so it continued 
for some time. That London existed at that time I 
shall not dispute; but certainly it was not populous, 
nor of much eminence : for when Caesar passed the 
Thames, a little below the place where that great 
city now stands, in pursuit of Cassivillnunus, not the 
least mention is made of London ; which we cannot 
suppose he would have omitted if it had been popu- 
lous, or a place of great resort. And though Clau- 
dius lived nearly an hundred years later than Caesar, 
the melioration thereof could not be great ; its situa- 
tion was not advantageous for the foreign trade of 
that time : even the commerce of theBelgic Britons, 
though protected by the Romans, suffered greatly 
from the pirates of the northern nations. 

There have been found at different times, on 
the old Broile-road, not far from the city, the broken 
fragments of pipes, made of pottery, of different 
lengths* the interior diameter about three inches, and 

having 



176 

having the end of the one inserted into the other, in 
the same manner as wooden pipes for conveving 
water are now. These are evidently of Roman fabrica- 
tion ; and no doubt were used for brinsrino- the water 
from the spring or springs on the old Broile, for 
supplying the city withal. This is a satisfactory 
proof that the dwelling houses here were then in a 
respectable condition ; for it cannot be supposed that ■ 
the. Romans would have subjected themselves, or 
others, to that trouble and expence for the accom- 
modation of huts. The walls they found in the con- 
dition before-mentioned : these they fortified with a 
strong munition of stone on the outside, raised to 
the height of about twenty feet ; and erected bas- 
tions or round towers, about sixteen in number, at 
unequal distances. The four gates, w T ith a portcullis 
to each, they built in so strong a manner as to be 
impregnable to the artillery of that day, and in such 
a style of elegance and uniformity, that they served 
as an ornament to the city at the same time. That 
the castle, or residence of the Roman propraetor was 
on or near the spot where the episcopal palace now 
stands, is evident from the Roman pavement found 
there, a, d. 1727. And that the whole, or greater 

part 



177 

part of the south west quarter of the city was occu- 
pied with the houses of the great men and principal 
officers of his court, is no unreasonable conjecture, 
On the same authority I conclude that he had a 
country housej or mansion of retirement, at the 
place afterwards called Kingsham : the cold bath there 
at this dav, which is built with Roman bricks, sup- 
ports this conjecture. — Though it be recorded in 
history that Ella either burned or demolished all the 
houses here, when he took the city by assault, we 
may notwithstanding believe that not all the houses, 
but by far the greater part of them were thus des- 
troyed. And at all events, as they were constructed 
principally of stone, the foundations of them would 
survive the general desolation. His son Cissa, when 
he set himself to rebuild the houses and restore the 
ruined state of this then antient town, would doubt- 
less avail himself of every advantage that he could 
find : by which means the houses in Chichester w T ould 
be in a more respectable condition than in any other 
of the Saxon capitals. 

In the Doomsday-book there is only one 
church mentioned here, and said to belong to the 
archbishop of Canterbury ; winch determines it to 

n be 



178 



be that of All-Saints, in thePallant. One other (the 
monastery) we are almost certain existed long be- 
fore ; and therefore must have been omitted. Nor 
have I the least doubt but the churches of saint Oiave 
and saint Andrew, were erected before the conquest, 
Olaus was a Danish saint, and it is reasonable to con- 
clude that the church which bears his name, was 
built in the time of the Danish kings. 

He (Cissa) caused the city to be measured 
out into lots or messuages ; to every one of which 
was annexed a plat of ground for a garden ; and also 
a part or parcel of land round the city to a consider- 
able extent, which he gave it, including the two 
Broiles, Portfield, Whyke, the meadows on the south, 
and the lands on the west thereof : that every ( free ) 
inhabitant might have some land for his use and 
convenience. 

When earl Roger afterwards gave the south- 
west quarter of the city to the church of Chichester, 
the grant included the lands appertaining thereto, 
That which had formerly belonged to the other three 
quarters, he disjoined from them ; and either occu- 
pied the same himself or let them on lease. By which 
means, when his son Robert de Belesme, forfeited his 

English 



*79 



English possessions, they reverted to the crown, in 
which they remained during seven or eight reigns, 
Henry III. about the year 1230, "gave and granted 
u to Randulph Nova Villa, (Ralph Neville) bishop 
u of Chichester, and his successors, the lands called 
" the Brovles, with their appurtenances/' perhaps 
meaning all the unappropriated lands which had 
formerly belonged to the city, 

The following is a list (extracted from the 
survey in the Dom-boc) of all the churches in the 
county at that time : 





Churches. 


Minister** 


Bosham 


o 


17 




Pagtapa 


l\g 






Tai gmcre 


1 h 






Patching 


1 >2 






("Inch 


i Ca 






Terring 


1 J 5 






BcxhiU 


<> < 




devas 


Filcham 








Brislingham 








Hasle&e 








Sale hurst 








Hamfield 








Aiding bo urn 








Selsea 






not mentioned 


Preston 








Ramesley 








Wincheta a 








ang 

13 c r r v 








Thorney 

Flctnd 




g 


and 1 F. 


i^isiea 
Woolavington 












Sifesse 



i8o 



Ckurckcsi Ministtn* 



*Suesse 
Donnington 
Felpham 
Hove 
Catsfield 
Nerewell 
Hurst 
Eastbourne 
Westbourne 
Singleton 
Binderton 
Rawmere 
Trotton 
Chithurst 
Stedham 
Cocking 
Lynch 
Bepton 
GrafFham 
Petworth 
Tillington 
Greatham 
Duncton 
Sutton 
Barlavington 
Cold Waltham 
Stopham 
Botchingtone 
Marden 
Racton 
Lordington 
Compton 
Stoughton 
Fishbourne 
Whyke 

North Mundham 
Hunston 
Somerly 
Storrington 
Pulborough 
Chiltingtone 
Leominster 
North Stoke 
Burpham 



small 
small 
small 



small 



no agricultural imple- 
ments 

a stone quarry 







s 

5 a stone quarry 


1 


2 





5 





4 





6 





1 


1 


2 


1 




5-3 

uot mentioned 





2 


1 


4 





5 





1 





1 


1 


2 






two salt pans 
1 


1 




2 

1 


9 


1 


4 ■ 


1 


5 


1 


10 



Ciimping 



i8i 



Churches. Ministers. 



Climping 
Big nor 
Walberton 

Barnham 

.Middleton 

South Stoke 

Slindon 

Off ham 

Eastergate 

West Hamptonet 

Oving 
•Niworde (South over) 

Rodmel 

Parham 

Ditchling 

Falmer 
*Lanes\vick 

Ovingdean 

Brighthelmstone 

Balmer 

Poynings 
•Perchings 

Hurst 

Clayton 

Keymer 

Street 

Plumpton 
*Bercham 
*Ham 
Beeding 
Shoreham 
*Hanningdean 
Washington 
Finden 
Wiston 
Combe 
•Applesham 
Woodmancote 
* Want ley 
Shermanbury 
Kingston 
Broadwater 
liceue i 



2 quarry of mill-stones 
6 



is 4< 



Durrington 



l82 





Cnurekes. 


Ministers, 


Purrington 
Worthing 
*Stultings 
Thakeham 
Woolbeding 


1 

1 
I 
1 


4} 
I 
5 

5 


tying 





5 



a quarry 

On the preceeding account it is obvious to re- 
mark that the names therein mentioned, are not the 
denominations of parishes, but of manors. The 
former is an ecclesiastical division which then had no 
existence, nor for a considerable time after; and 
when it was introduced it prevailed not uniformly. 
The royal domain at Bosham is the first on the list ; 
w T here there were two churches, as there are now, 
Bosham and Funtington. The present fabric of the 
former, it is said, was built by the bishop of Exeter. 
It is most probable however that he only repaired it, 
and made it collegiate. The number of ministers 
mentioned (seventeen) is high ; from which we may 
conclude that this was one of the royal residences of 
the JDanish kings. In some places there are ministers 
and no churches — where they officiated does not ap- 
pear. Where a church is mentioned and no minister 
(which occurs frequently) we may conclude that 
there was one at least. At Selsea, the then or late 

episcopa} 



i8 3 



episcopal residence, we find neither church nor mi- 
nister; a circumstance not easily to be accounted 
for. At Rawmere there were no agricultural imple- 
ments — a proof of the distress of the times ; and of 
the low and degraded state of farming in general in 
the country. At Hunston we find two salt pans — a 
presumption that the sea then flowed up to the place 
now called Longstone-lane, and seems to confirm 
the tradition that once the tide came up almost to 
the walls of the city. — The denomination of places 
in the Doomsday-book being very different from the 
names they now bear, in many instances I found it 
difficult to modernize them — where it could not be 
accomplished, or where there was reason to doubt, 
the original is retained — and the place marked with 
an asterism. 

Though I have said that the domestic buildings 
in Chichester were mean and inelegant, during the 
time of the Saxons : yet it must be remembered that 
in a comparative view, this city was not inferior to 
any in the kingdom at the time of the Norman con- 
quest, except London, and, it may be, Winchester. 
Its trade considerable, for the time ; and its guild 
(for it had a guild) respectable. As early as the 

& 4 reign 



184 



reign of Edgar, i.e. about the year 966 or 967, a 
mint was established here, in subordination to the 
king's exchanger at Winchester : which mint, Stowe 
(p. 46) informs us was revived in the ninth year of 
king John, subordinate to the king's exchanger in 
London. What the power and jurisdiction of the 
guild was in the time of the Saxons, I cannot ascer- 
tain. It may be its functions were derived from the 
eorl, or thane, and not from the crown : in which 
case we must conclude that its power was very limited, 
and reached no farther than its own internal govern- 
ment in matters of commerce. 

The Dom-boc contains, among other particu- 
lars, an exact account of all the efficient slaves in 
each manor throughout England : from a cursory ex- 
amination of those in this county, I find the number 
to be something more than nine thousand two hun- 
dred effective male-slayes at that time ; the female- 
slaves are not included in the account, nor their 
children. So that we may reckon the whole number 
of them to be about fifty thousand; that of free 
persons noi so high, perhaps something less than 
forty thousand — or about eighty-eight thousand, 
$he, whole population of the county : nearly three 

fifths 



i8 5 



fifths of the present amount (159,311) according 
to the account given in to government, a. d, 
1801. 

Here it is obvious to remark, that before the 
Norman conquest, the population of the whole king- 
dom must have been considerably higher than it was 
at the time in which that survey was made. In no 
place was the number of the people diminished more 
than in this county; nor so much: many of them 
fell in the battle of Hastings, under the standard of 
sir John Ashburnham, and of others — a far greater 
number were slaughtered in cold blood after that 
fatal day ; and not a few of the freemen emigrated 
into foreign countries, being peculiarly obnoxious 
to the conqueror, as the immediate vassals and terras- 
tenants of Harold. If this remark be correct, and 
the preceeding supputation just, we may fairly esti- 
mate the population of Sussex to have been, at the 
time above-mentioned, nearly one hundred thousand; 
something more than five-eights of the present. 

The highest civic authority in those days, was 
that of the portgrave, (a name compounded of two 
Saxon words, port, signifying town, and geref, im - 
porting ruler pv governor;) the introduction into 

the 



i86 



the corporation of Chichester is now, and has been 
from time immemorial, by admitting the candidate 
to the honour of portreve, Sec. evidently the same 
office, varied in rank indeed, as that by which the 
corporation or guild ( call it what you will ) was re- 
gulated in the time of the Saxons. Soon after the 
conquest this title was dropt in most places : for the 
Normans hated every thing Saxon ; and bailive sub- 
stituted in its stead. But it would seem that our 
local predecessors, though they were not able to re- 
sist the power of their conquerors, and reject the 
bailiffe first, and afterwards the mayor, from being 
their chief magistrate; yet still they clung to the 
name, and retained the portgrave or portreve in 
their corporation, though divested of his antient 
precedency and authority. 

The houses of the Saxons consisted only of a 
ground floor ; and this continued the prevailing mode 
of building long after the conquest, until the value 
pf ground and the want of room suggested to the 
inhabitants the obvious expedient of raising their 
edifices higher, in the reign of the seventh and eighth 
Jfenries, and aft ei wards. Even so late as the middle 
of the seventeenth century, when the houses in the 

saint 



i8; 

saint Pancrass were rebuilt, in the time of the Com- 
monwealth, almost all of them were raised but one 
storv high ; which is the condition of some of them 
at this day. Though the ichnography of Chichester 
has undergone no material change from the time that 
the Romans quitted Britain, to the present ; yet the 
disposition of the streets, and some of the public 
buildings, have been altered in some degree. The 
north, west, and south-streets were wider formerly 
than they are now near the cross. The town-hall 
(then called the town-house; from time immemorial 
stood in the north-street ; not in the middle of it, 
but upon the west-side, contiguous to the house now 
in the occupation of Mr. Gawne, attorney. From the 
account of antient men, who have seen it, it appears 
to have been a spacious building ; but very far from 
elegant : but before the erection of the council cham- 
ber, it served all the purposes which that and the 
town-hall do now. That chamber was raised on tl e 
ruins of the church, called in writings, saint T< ' r 
the great, near the guild-hall. As every chu rcl n 
town had a burying-ground belonging to it ; this 
must have occupied a considerable space; which is 
now converted to other purposes; and it *s not im- 
probable 



188 



probable that the church and church-yard reached 
from the north-street to saint Martin's square. On 
the east-side of the street, opposite the town-house,, 
the line of buildings formed a curve, on account of 
the corn-market, which was kept there, whither the 
farmer brought his grain of every kind every Satur- 
day, and exposed it for sale ; and whither the inha- 
bitants resorted to purchase the supplies necessary 
for their use. As almost every family for many ge- 
nerations, were accustomed to bake their own bread 
in their own ovens, the miller every week (or at some 
other stated time ) called at their houses for their grist, 
which he brought back converted into flour, Sec. 

The church of saint Mary, called saint Mary 
in Foro, stood in the corner of the east and south- 
streets, on the scite of Mr. Weller's house, and those 
of Mr. Richard Murray and Mr. Wolferstan : the 
adjoining building, at present occupied by Mr. 
Gatehouse, there is no doubt is an encroachment on 
the south-street. What space the church and church- 
yard of saint Mary occupied in the east-street, it is 
impossible to determine. Before the fore-mentioned 
houses were in their present condition, they seemed 
to have stood not less than a century; and had the 

appearance 



i8 9 



appearance and fashion of edifices erected in the time 
of the second Charles. It may be that the church 
was not in respectable repair in the time of Charles I. 
and that the dependents in the time of the Common- 
wealth, made free with the materials, and demolished 
it entirely; and likewise that of saint Peter, near the 
guild-hall. But the most probable conjecture is, 
that they both were beaten down and demolished by 
the artillery of the parliamentary army in the time 
of the civil war,* and that bishop King, with the 
assent and consent of the arch-bishop, and the con- 
currence of the dean and chapter, made new arrange- 
ments, both in the churches and parishes of the 
city, to suit the exigence of the time, at the memo- 
rable a?ra of the Reformation. The lane now called 
Little-London, was formerly denominated Savery- 
lane — at what time the change of appellation took 
place, it is immaterial to enquire. The opposite 
lane, called Baffin's lane, reached from the east street 
to the south-wall. — In the center of the Pallant, un- 
til about seventy or eighty years ago, (^when it was 

taken 

• There have been found at different times, on the north- 
side of the mount at the Friary, cannon-balls of many various 
sizes, one of which weighed thirty-two pounds ; which no doubt 
were lodged there when the place was then besieged. 



*9° 

taken down, or suffered to fall to ruin ) there was a 
wooden-cross, which had stood there from time im- 
memorial : whither the tanners or curriers sent all 
their leather to be stamped. The opposite house 
on the north-east corner, was built by Mr. Henry 
Peckham, commonly distinguished by the name of 
Lisbon Peckham, about the year 1712, for the pur 
pose of a custom-house ; whether it ever was used 
as such I do not know 7 . The family of Farrington, 
lived in the house in the south-street, which now be- 
longs to Mrs. Smith, widow of the late Revd. Charles- 
Smith, as did the lady of the last sir Richard, who 
survived her said husband several vear& 



CHAPTER 



101 



9 



CHAPTER XIII. 

ATROCITY OF WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR CHICHESTER AND 

ARUNDEL, SlC. GRANTED TO EARL ROGER MONTGOMERY 

CASTLE OF CHICHESTER BUILT BY HIM SOUTH-WEST 

QUARTER GRANTED TO THE CHURCH OF THE MANERIAL 

HOUSES IN CHICHESTER. SEIGNIORITY OF THE CITY RE- 
VERTS TO THE CROWN! AND CONFERRED ON THE EARLS 
OF ARUNDEL. MELIORATION OF THE HOUSES IN CHI- 
CHESTER WHEN IT BEGAN BUILT OF WOOD A PUBLIC 

V ELL IN EVERY WARD OF THE CITY. 



£>UT to return to the time from which I have made 
this long, but I trust not unnecessary digression — 
there was not a free person in England, of any age, 
sex, or denomination, who was not deeply interested 
in the issue of the battle of Hastings, which was 
;ht on the fourteenth day of October, between 
Id II. king of England, and William, duke of 
Normandy. In consequence of that fatal day, many, 
very many, were suddenly reduced from affluence to 
extreme want ; and all of them from a state of im- 
portance to the condition of slaves. The inhabitants 

of 



*9* 

of the east of Sussex, where William landed, were 
the first to feel the effects of his fury after the battle 
The manors of sir John Ashburnham were, in a par- 
ticular manner, the objects of his vengeance ; be- 
cause this worthy and valorous knight, at the desire 
of Harold, when he heard that the duke of Normandy 
was on the point of landing in England, had raised 
the posse comitatuum of Sussex and Surry, of which 
he was high-sheriff that year, (Vide Fuller) to de- 
fend his sovereign and native country, from the 
threatened invasion of a foreign enemv. — According 
to some historians, this illustrious patriot had antici- 
pated the wish and orders of the king, and w 7 as ready 
to join him with a considerable body of men, when 
he came to London from the north. 1 am credibly 
informed that king Harold's letter to sir John is still 
in the possession of his descendents — a monument 
of antiquity which reflects more honour on that 
family than their descent from Charlemagne ! a gem 
of far brighter lustre than any that ever came from 

Golconda !- On the fatal event of the battle of 

Hastings, this valiant and patriotic knight retreated 
with those of his followers who survived, to the 
castle of Dover ; intending to defend it against the 

havader, 



3 53 

invader, and hoping, no doubt, that the country in 
general would rise in their own defence; but was 
soon followed thither by William, who forced the 
garrison to surrender at discretion — in consequence 
sir John and many others were put to the sword. — 
Some of our historians relate that William exercised 
no severity on the English, till he found himself 
firmly fixed on the throne : but I perceive on exa- 
mining the survey of the counties of Kent and Sussex, 
that the Whole of his tract from Hastings to Dover, 
and from Dover to London, is there marked by the 
commissioners with the significant word devastated. 
So that a person, with the maps of these before him, 
and the Doomsday -book in his hand, may trace the 
rout of the Norman army with the greatest precision 
as far as the borough of Southwark, to which they 
set fire and reduced it to ashes. They arc said to 
have tarried a week at Hastings to bury their dead, 
and to recover of a dysentry. The truth is, the time 
was spent in ravaging the country, as may be col- 
lected from the above-mentioned record. At Dover 
William likewise halted some days, which were em- 
ployed in chastising the inhabitants of Romney, and 
desolating the country ; as it was pretended they had 

o in ulted, 



insulted, and otherwise maltreated some of his 
soldiers. He was crowned on Christmas-day, the 
same year, and early in the next year seized on, and 
confiscated the estates and treasures of Harold, and 
his two brothers, which were very great. By these 
means almost the whole of this county came into his 
possession : which he bestowed upon his followers. 
The rapes and towns of Chichester and Arundel, he 
gave to earl Roger de Montgomery — Bramber rape 
he bestowed on William de Braiose (perhaps Bruce. ) 
William de Warrenne had the rape and borough of 
Lewes — the earl of Mortaigne that of Pevensy, and 
the rape of Hastings was conferred on the earl of Eu. 
It is painful to reflect on the distress which, 
at that time, filled the kingdom from one end to the 
other. Were it possible to describe the miseries of 
the unhappy English on this dismal event, I would 
spare both the reader and myself the pain of writing 
and perusing a description of general horror, and 
unmeritted suffering. Not only were the thanes, and 
other proprietors of lands, driven from thence, but 
even the ceorls ejected from their possessions with 
rigour and unfeeling barbarity : and the frizalin de- 
spoiled 



*95 

spoiled of their little property. This mode of pro- 
ceeding was general throughout the whole kingdom, 
buf enforced with greater severity and sanguinary 
atrocity in the private domains of the unhappy Harold 
and those of his family and friends. A very respec- 
table modern historian (Henry) says, "the ceorls 
were suffered to retain their rank, and their posses- 
sions/' But as he has adduced no authority, I claim 
the right of differing in opinion from him : because 
it is well known that no favour, and but little cle- 
mency, was shown to any englishmen in these most 
unhappy times ; now the ceorls in the time of the 
Saxons, possessed their farms on Very easy terms, 
nor could the thanes, and other landlords, either 
raise their rents, or disposess them of them : and I 
think it is not probable that the rapacious Normans 
would suffer this description of men to enjoy that 
which they thought in right of conquest belonged 
to them. Even the slaves, who were accounted cnly 
more cunning beasts, felt the weight of the Norman 
barbarity. A cotempcrary writer, whose testimony 
cannot be doubted, declines to give any description 
of the severity used upon them, " because its inhu- 

o 2 man 



i 9 6 

man cruelty would appear incredible to posterity."* 
Many of the frizalin, and several of the ceorls, were 
reduced to a state of slavery, and thought themselves 
happy in preserving their lives even on these hard 
terms. We may therefore, I think, assume it as an 
unquestionable fact — that " at the conquest, pro- 
<{ perty, of every denomination, both in the city of 
" Chichester, and throughout the county of Sussex, 
ec changed hands, with very few exceptions." To 
pass over this calamitous time^ at least waving a des- 
cription of the scenes of distress which must then 
have taken place within these walls, I shall only ob- 
serve that the whole number of the new landholders 
both in the city and county, was sixteen; whose 

names 

* Hist. Eliens. apud Gale* 

Many of them fled from their native country to avoid the 
cruelties of their invaders. Perhaps there was no country in 
Europe whither they did not emigrate to escape from the merciless 
& or mans. " Each day (says Gibbon) they (the Varangians) rose 
" in confidence and esteem ; the whole body was assembled at 
" Constantinople to perform the duty of guards ; and their strength 
" was recruited by a numerous body of their countrymen from 
" Thule. On this occasion the vague appellation of Thule is ap- 
" plied to England." 

See Decline and Fall of the Rom. Emp. Vol. X. p. 223. 



*97 

,.* are at the bottom of the page. Only one of 
them, the last, was an Englishman, and his posses- 
sions of small extent. 

In the Doomsday-book we are informed that 
M the antient rental (of the' city of Chichester, in 
" the reign of Edward the confessor) was fifteen 
" pounds — ten pounds to the king, and one hun- 
" dred shillings to the earl * At the present time 
" the estimate is twenty-five pounds : the produce 
" thirty-five pounds. Humphry Flamen has here 
" one house of ten shillings value." 

Without enquiring what part of these twenty- 
five pounds belonged to the king, and what to the 
earl ; I have to remark that the whole sum amounted 
in value to seventy pounds, six shillings, and three 

o 3 pence 

King William Abbot of Saint Edward 

Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Earl of Lu 

Bishop of Chichester Earl of Mortaigne 

Abbot of Westminster Earl Roger dc Montgomery 

Abbot of Feschamp Wiliiato ofWarrene 

Osbern, Bishop >f Exeter William de Braiose 

Abbey of Winchester Odo of Winchester 

Abbey of Battle Eldred 

* In the time of the Confessor when the pound of money 
consisted of forty-eight shillings, an hundred shillings was not five, 
pounds but only two pounds, four shillings. 



i 9 8 



pence, of our money, and in efficacy to more than 
one thousand pounds — a prodigious sum ! — almost 
four pounds on the average of every house deserving 
to , be reckoned. By the operation of the feudal 
system, which the Conqueror introduced in its full 
rigour and deformity, the king became the proprietor 
of all the property in the kingdom. It is known that 
earl Roger was a a great favourite of William ; but 
his partiality is not discoverable in the account of 
Sussex, which the commissioners gave in at the 
general survey. He was a distant relation of William; 
to whose service he had manifested his attachment 
in his native country, before his coming into Eng- 
land. He was a person of great courage, brave, but 
not rash, (See Oderic. Vital.) cool and intrepid in 
the midst of danger: and there fore William entrusted 
to him the van of the Norman army, at the memor- 
able battle of Hastings. To his. great military skill, 
and cool perseverance, there manifested, he owed 
the acquisition of the crown of England. No 
wonder then that William heaped on him so many 
valuable boons ; that his bounty to him seemed to 
be unlimitted; it was for good deeds done, and not 
tp be done. In Wiltshire he had three manors ; in 

Surry 



*99 

Surry four; in Hampshire nine ; in Middlesex eight; 
in Cambridgeshire eleven ; in Herefordshire one ; 
in Gloucestershire one ; in Worcestershire two ; in 
Warwickshire eleven; in Staffordshire thirty; in 
Sussex seventy-seven — in all, one hundred and fifty- 
seven manors or lordships ; besides the city of Chi- 
chester, the castle of Arundel, the city of Shrews- 
bury, the county of Salop, to which we may add, 
that he was truly earl of Sssex ; as he had tertium 
denarium de placitis comitatus, the third penny of 
the pleas of the county : to which we may add like- 
wise, the honour of Eye in Suffolk. The govern- 
ment of Shropshire and Shrewsbury, he committed 
to Warine the bald; and resided himself occasionally 
in Chichester, when he was in England. 

The earl built a house for his own residence, 
on the place now called the Friary ; and, as "the 
Normans then very far excelled the English in the 
magnificence of their buildings, we may be assured 
that it was executed in a style far superior to any in 
the city. All the west- quarter he gave to Stigand, 
(the first bishop of Chichester) at the time that the 
king ordered all cathedral churches to be removed 
from villages to cities or boroughs, excepting ten 

o 4 houses 



200 

houses belonging to the manor of Bosham, lying 
between the tower-gate and the cross-gate in the 
west-street ; which appertained to the king as lord 
of tht manor, who gave the same to the prelate for 
the church that was to be built : so that the whole 
ef that quarter, by grants from the king and the earl, 
now belonged to the see, including the palace of the 
South-Saxon kings, and the abbey of saint Peter, 
some of the walls of which remain to this day, and 
form part of the walls of the church of saint Peter 
the Great, or the Subdeanry. 

Of the inhibited houses here, one hundred 
^nd twenty-six belonged to the manors mentioned 
in the margin. Bosham manor had eleven belong- 
ing to it, the ten mentioned above, and the other 

on 





Houses. 


Nouses 




Houses. 


Singleton 


9 


Fishbonrne 


2 


Stedham 


1 


Mid Lavant 


l 


Bc-ham 


11 


Jping 


1 


Hampnett 


1 


Westbourne 


7 


Cocking 


1 


Strettington 


3 


Racton 


1 


Linch 


1 


lialnaker 




Stoughton 


35 


Sclham 


1 


Tangmere 


4 


Up-Marden 


1 


Burton 


1 


Aldingbonrne 16' 


East Marden 


1 


Pet worth 


o 


Felpham 


1 


North Marden 


4 


TiUingtoii 


1 


Sei:-ea 


6 


Compton 


2 


Dune ton 


1 


Wittering 


13 


Harting 


11 


Stopham 


1 


Donnington 


I 


Chithiirst 


I 


Woolayington 


1 



J 26* 



2C1 

on the west side of the tower-gate, now in the oc- 
cupation of Mr. William Guy, surgeon, held under 
the dean and chapter, as part of said manor. At that 
time, and long after, the fronts of the ten houses in 
the west-street, just mentioned, were in a line drawn 
with the front of Mr. Guy's house to the cross-gate. 
The church right reaches no farther ( with a few ex- 
ceptions) at this time : without that line towards the 
street, is in general holden under the corporation. 

Very soon after the Conquest a considerable 
charge took place in the mansions of the great and 
opulent ; to which those of the common people 
formed a miserable contrast ; as they received but 
very little melioration ; and continued nearly the 
same as they were in the time of the Saxons. The 
Normans in general, and more particularly their 
barons and great men, were a pompous people ; and 
being desirous to wipe out the stain of their origin, 
though retaining the ferocity of it, they learned the 
language, aped the manners, and copied the way of 
living of the French, as these did that of the Italians, 
then, and long after, esteemed the most polished 
people of Europe, except the Grecians. 

Every 



202 

Every age has its fashion, which generally pre- 
vails throughout Europe, from Otranto to St. Peters- 
burgh, in architecture, and every thing else, in spite 
of the difference of circumstances. The great cha- 
racteristic of the architecture of the eleventh, and 
several succeeding centuries, was strength and dura- 
bility : from which the present, and last preceeding 
age, have widely departed. The castles of the 
Norman-English were built in a style of grandeur 
Far superior to any thing that had ever been seen in 
England before ; and the mansions of the gentry, no 
doubt, received considerable improvement. The 
house mentioned before, and said in Doomsday-book, 
to belong to Flamen, and to be worth ten shillings 
a year, was most probably, what had formerly be- 
longed to the South-Saxon kings. It was far superior 
to any other in town, but many degrees inferior 
(even when afterwards converted into the episcopal 
residence) to the magnificent edifice the castle of 
< earl near the north-gate. The four gates were 
evidently of Roman fabrication, except the square 
towers on the tops of them, these were in a different 
style, and were no doubt, erected by the Normans; 
probably by Roger, the first earl, who repaired the 

gates, 



203 



gates, walls, and moat, all of which the Saxons had 
suffered to go to decay. If the earl and his succes- 
sors had resided constantly in Chichester, in their 
first state of grandeur and opulence, their presence 
would have been of very great advantage to it; n d 
raised it from the condition of mediocrity in which 
thcv found it, to a state of eminence. But neither 
of these events took place : the residence of the earl 
was sometimes in the king's court; and often at 
Shrewsbury, where he had a castle. And through 
the extreme turbulence of the times it happened, 
that the seigniority of this city reverted to the 
crown, which governed it by deputies of a far infe- 
rior description, before the lordship thereof was 
conferred upon the earl of Arundel; and if this miss 
had not been in some measure compensated by the 
removal of the see hither from Selsea, this (even 
then) antient city must have fallen to decay. For 
almost five hundred years after the Conquest, the 
city derived its principal support, directly or in- 
directly, from the church : during which time the 
superior clergy were of great importance in the 
state : their wealth considerable, aud their power 
not less. 

I cannot 



204 



I cannot avoid believing, though I can adduce 
no direct proof that earl Roger, after he was invested 
with the seigniority of Chichester — after the aliena- 
tion of property, as far as it reached, was completed, 
and the new guild established on the ruins of the 
old, confirmed to the portgrave and citizens, the 
immunities and privileges which the city had enjoyed 
under the Saxon and Danish kings. The charter of 
king Stephen, which the reader will iind in the Ap- 
pendix, makes this conjecture not improbable ; to 
which we may add, that without such an act of cour- 
tesy or equity, either from the king or from him, the 
magistrates, whatever name they bore, would have 
had no power to act. The charter which the Con- 
queror granted to the city of London, is <c Willra 
ei Kynge grete Willm Bishop and Godfreye portrerve, 
" and all the burgeis within London, Frenshe and 
rc Englisse, and I graunte you that I wyll that ye be 
*• al your laweworth that ye were in Edwardis dayes, 
" the king. And I wyll that ich childe be his fadir's 
<e eyer. And I nyle suffer that ony man you any 
<l wrongis beed. And God you kepe."* Translated 
from the Saxon language a. d. 1314. 

The 
"* Stowe's Surv, p, 740. 



205 

The attentive reader will perceive with what 
reluctance the king uses the Saxon word portgrave, 
and perhaps will be of opinion that though no re- 
gular charters of incorporation were issued from the 
crown to any city or borough in England, before 
the reign of king John, yet had they an existence 
long before, as corporate bodies, to a certain ex- 
tent of activity, by powers derived either directly or 
indirectly from the throne. In the reign of Henry 
the second, the building of the houses here, except- 
ing those of the inferior order, began to be more 
attended to, and therefore to be improved to a cer- 
tain degree, those of the superior clergv, the princi- 
pal citizens, and the manerial messuages : so like- 
wise were the streets in that reign, or soon after. 
The holes and sloughs in thern were filled up with 
stones and gravel, dug, I have not the least doubt, 
from the place since called Dell-hole. But it was 
long, very long after, that is about the time of the 
seventh Henry, before they began to pitch any part 
of them. The principal inhabitants, for their own 
convenience, first began to do that part of the street 
that was opposite their own premises; some others, 
i.) time, followed their example, by which means it 

came 



20S 



came to pass, that all uniformity was excluded till 
the eighteenth year of the reign of queen Elizabeth, 
(a. d. 1576) when the mayor and citizens obtained 
an act of parliament to enable them to pave the 
whole : on a plan deserving praise, for the time ; 
but very greatly inferior to that which was lately 
adopted in the year 1791, in respect both of elegance 
and use. 

The bed of the street is considerably higher in 
some places at least, than it was formerly. In dig- 
ing for a proper foundation for the present council- 
chamber, anno 1731, they found at the depth of 
nearly three feet, a Roman pavement, reaching as 
far as they went, about an hundred yards towards 
saint Martin's square. 

I am weary of thus journeying in the dark, 
and with the uncertain and fallible pencil of conjec- 
ture, marking the boundaries, and describing the 
state of this terra incognita, and shall therefore bring 
this view to a conclusion, as speedily as may be. 

The Norman barons, as soon as they had their 
different possessions assigned to them, after the Con- 
quest in this country, by the liberality or justice of 
the Conqueror, lost no time, but began immediately 

to 



207 



' to raise upon them castles, both as mansions of re- 
sidence and places of defence. In the reign of the 
second Henry, the houses of the gentry began to ex- 
hibit a more comfortable and decent appearance. In 
towns in general (and therefore in Chichester) the 
first visible change in the habitations of the middl- 
ing people was in the reigns of Henry the third, and 
Edward the first, in consequence of the encourage^ 
ment which they and king John had given them, in 
order to enable them, by their wealth and impor- 
tance, to act as a counterpoise to the exorbitant 
power of the barons; which it was the study of the 
crown, during many succeeding reigns, to depress. 
To this end every attention and fostering care was 
bestowed on the corporations which it was in the 
power of the crown to extend to them. During the 
dissentions between the rival houses of York and 
Lancaster, this partiality was checked in its operation 
which it would otherwise have produced. But when 
these jarring claims were united in the person of 
Henry VII a great and visible change ensued : as the 
king himself was a patron and promoter of commerce 
and navigation : both of which he understood better 
than any other prince in Europe. The agriculture 

of 



208 



of the country he raised from a very languishing 
condition, to a tolerably flourishing state ; by melio- 
rating and raising the condition of the villained 
(peasant) and depressing the power of the barons. 
These measures tended greatly to the advantage, 
and improvement of Chichester, in supplying it with 
wealth, and in consequence, with those conveniences 
which wealth procures. Had his son and successor 
followed the prudent maxims of his father, they 
would, in the issue, have conduced much more to 
the prosperity and happiness of the kingdom in 
general, than those which he adopted. I do not 
know that the calamities and blood-sheddings of 
several of the reigns after him are charged by our 
historians on his memory, as they might be without 
impropriety. The great 2 evolutions in empires, in 
their due course, their natural orbits, if I may so 
call them, proceed slowly, if their motion be not 
deranged, and their-erisis accelerated by some foreign 
impulse. Such was the reformation of religion in 
England : the public mind was not fully prepared 
for the reception of it, at the time, and in the man- 
ner in which the furious torrent cf Henry s impetu- 
ous passions obtruded it; upon this kingdom. The 

shades. 



sop 

■ 

shades of intellectual night were passing away in silent 
progress ; the day began to dawn ; and the sun of 
religion, in due course, would have risen upon us 
(unobscured with blood) and dispelled, in easy pro- 
cess, every mist of error, delusion, and superstition 
from our Sion. 

From the reign of Henry the seventh, to that 
of Elizabeth, including a period of almost half a 
century, the prosperity of Chichester advanced very 
little, if any thing. Peace is always propitious, 
always conducive to happiness, and the enjoyment 
of every blessing. That great princess (Elizabeth) 
evinced a regard and love for her subjects, in nothing 
more than in her securing to them that great national 
blessing. Under her auspices, in the enjoyment of 
public tranquility, the husbandman pursued hispeace- 
ful employment ; and raised the agriculture of the 
kingdom to an higher degree of perfection than it 
had ever reached before. During that, and the next 
succeeding reign, (that of James) we may safely 
affirm that this city advanced in opulence — that the 
mansions of the people were more commodious, 
and their habits of living more comfortable than 
they had been before ; reckoning from the first 
coming of the Saxons into these parts. 

p On 



210 

On the whole, perhaps there is no other sure 
criterion of calculating the improvement or declen- 
sion of any place, but by ascertaining the presence 
or absence of the means of improvement which it 
enjoys or wants; for this latter will follow the other 
as invariably as the shadow does the body. 

But to return to the time of the Conquest. It is 
the general opinion that the house in Chichester, now 
called the Friary, was originally built by earl Roger 
Montgomery ; that on receiving from the king, the 
grant of the city, Szc. he pitched on that spot as a 
proper place on which to build a castle of residence 
for himself; caused it to be marked out, and walled 
round, to the amount of about ten acres. The testis 
niony of tradition, always respectable, is for the most 
part well founded ; but not invariably so : especially 
when it descends to particulars. Every person, the 
least acquainted with antient architecture, in viewing 
the Friary in its present state, will be convinced that 
a considerable part of the building, still remaining, 
is of higher antiquity than the Conquest. In several 
places (in the old building) the walls are of flint, 
the arches a kind of ellipsis, and turning down at 
each end in an angle (some more, some less) from 

an 



211 



an hundred to an hundred and thirty or forty degrees, 
Many of the windows, and some of the door-places, 
have the gothic arch inclosed in a square or long 
square. In many instances, the original design is 
confounded with the repairs of after ages, though 
still visible, still legible, for the most part. There 
are other circumstances which join to prove the su- 
perior antiquity of the Friarv. The wall which se- 
parates the precinct from the city is built in the 
same manner, and of like materials as the city walls, 
which are confessedly of Roman fabrication. That 
the mount, whoever made it, was raised in order to 
erect a tower or citadel on it is plain ; the founda- 
tions thereof may be traced all round the top, except 
the part opposite to the glacis ; the mortar, or rather 
cement, is as hard as the stones themselves. The 
scite, or the situation of the mount, on the very 
place most proper to defend their lines,* is a satis- 
factory proof of its being raised by the Romans. — 
From whence I conclude, that, as the Roman pro- 
praetor, and the officers belonging to the civil depart- 

p 2 ment, 

• The fort without the walls, and joining to the walls on the 
north-cast corner ; the foundation of which still remains in the 
garden belonging to Mr. James Dawes. 



212 



ment, resided in the south-west quarter of the city ; 
so all the military officers were stationed in the north- 
east quarter, in mansions proportioned to their rank 
and dignity. From the nature of some part of the 
ground in the park or paddock, it is plain that the 
castle of earl Roger Montgomery/ with its appurte- 
nances, occupied a great deal more room than the 
present building. After the expulsion of that family, 
the seigniority or lordship of the city was vested in 
the earl of Arundel and his heirs ; but whether the 
castle was given to them likewise may admit of some 
doubt ; it is said indeed that it was granted by 
William, the fourth earl, to the fraternity of grey 
friars, a. d. 1233 ; but as the deed is not on record, 
we can only say that it is probable ; and that it was 
his influence with the king (Henry III.) that pro- 
cured the lands called the Broile, and other lands to 
be granted to the see of Chichester. He was a great 
favourite with Henry, and " a strenuous advocate for 
ee his prerogative, which he maintained with all his 
IC power, against the rights and liberties of his op- 
u pressed countrymen.''"* 

There are in the city other remains of Roman 
building besides those in the Friary: among which I 

reckon 
* Antiq. of Arund. p. 62. 



213 

reckon the Canon-gate, and some of the adjoining 
building. Bishop Shurborne repaired the gate-way, 
it is true, and put his arms upon it, but that was all; 
the foundation, and the greatest part of the super- 
structure is evidently Roman : so also are the vaults 
in the South-street, at present in the occupation of 
Mr. Redman, wine-merchant, with the buildings over 
them for a considerable way towards the cloisters, 
including the old concert-room. 

At the time of the Conquest, almost all the 
houses in Chichester were of wood, and covered with 
straw, rushes, or reeds — this was the case throughout 
the whole kingdom, and even in London, the metro- 
polis. The castle of the earl, there can be no doubt, 
was built of stone, and covered with tiles, slate and 
lead. From the remains of the abbey we see that 
also was of stone. Whether there were any other 
stone-building here is very doubtful. Even the 
bishop's palace, it is most probable was of wood, as 
the first cathedral church certainly was; and it is not 
reasonable to suppose that Ralph, the bishop, would 
have built his own house of stone, and the cathedral 
church of inferior materials. 

In each ward of the city there was a well, 
p3 which 



214 



which was railed round; to which the inhabitants 
had a right to repair for water, each house to its pro- 
per well. Four of these wells remain to this day, as 
pumps, are a modern improvement.* 

No city in Europe, except Rome, at this time 
had their streets paved. In England many centuries 
elapsed before that mode was adopted. In the reign 
of Henry the fifth, a. d. 1417, the metropolis led the 
way in that, as it has done in most other improve- 
ments ; some part of Holborn being paved by order 
of the king ; but many years elapsed before even 
the principal streets in London enjoyed that con- 
venience. Chichester was first uniformly paved in 
the reign of queen Elizabeth — having obtained an 
act of parliament for that purpose in the eighteenth 
year of her reign, as said before. The water-course, 
.or gutter, was in the middle of the street, and 
continued so till the year 179 1, when an act of 
parliament was passed for new paving the streets and 
lanes. The foot-path was not regularly and uniformly 
paved with flat stones till lately. In the year 1724, 
" The walls of the city, with the ramparts, were re- 

" paired, 

# Pumps were first introduced into Europe about the year 
1 1-C5, and into England not before 1512 or 1513. 



215 

" paired, and the walks on the north and east-walls, 
u were levelled by the right honourable lord William 
'* Beauclerk, representative in parliament for the 
" city, in the mayoralty of George Harris/'* 

It may be worth remarking here, because I 
believe it is not generally known, that at this time, 
none of the dwelling houses in England, the castles 
excepted, had any chimnies belonging to them; the 
smoke went out at the door or windows, or where 
it found vent. This was the case for a succession of 
many years; in time, as an improvement or rather 
corrective, of that inconvenient method, they made 
an opening in the roof directly over the fire-place, 
in which they placed a wooden-frame, nearly square, 
reaching from the roof above the house, of no de- 
terminate height. This inconvenient mode continued 
all the time that tlie building of wood alone did: 
when the mist building (part wood and part brick; 
took place, then, and not before, the use of chimnies 
was adopted. It is known that neither the Greeks 
nor Romans had chimnies in their houses of any des- 

p 4 cription. 

• Taken from a stone erected on one of the bastions on the 
north-walls commemorative of the donation. — Perhaps it would 
have been more accurate to have denomiuated him one of the re- 
presentatives of the city. 



2l6 

cfiption. The first accounts that we have of their 
introduction into Italy, is in the year 1347, when 
some, and but few, persons in Venice and Padua, 
adopted that mode of building, which at this day is 
not used in the highlands, and many other parts of 
Scotland. 

I know that the memory of William is loaded 
with the imputation of having introduced the curfew 
bell into England, as a badge of slavery on the inha- 
bitants ; but I think this charge is laid upon him in 
some measure unjustly ; for sufficient evidence might 
be adduced that the same regulation prevailed, and 
had long prevailed, in France, Spain> Italy, Scotland, 
and most probably in every other country of Europe, 
as a necessary precaution against fires ,• which were 
very fatal when houses were built of wood. Yet so 
great and so general art imputation attaches to his 
memory on this score, even to this day, that it can 
hardly be supposed to be unfounded at first : it is 
probable then that the tyranny consisted in the man- 
ner of enforcing the regulation* 



CHAPTER 



217 



CHAPTER XIV. 

THE HOUSES IN CHICHESTER STRIPT OF THE LANDS BELONG- 
ING TO EACH NUMBER OF HOUSES AT THE CONQUEST 

ACCOUNT OF THE MONTGOMERY FAMILY OF THE OTHER 

NORMAN BARONS WHO HAD MANORS IN SUSSEX EARL 

OF NORTHUMBERLAND, LAST OF THE ENGLISH NOBILITY , 
EXECUTED. 



jSJNG William held Bosham in domain. In the 
city every species of property was transferred to the 
Normans, and most of the houses received new oc- 
cupants; with this difference in many instances, that 
whereas before the Conquest, in the time of the 
Saxons, and most probably before, every house in 
the city had a certain portion of land belonging to 
it, now the land was detached from it. All the lands 
cm Portfield, both the Broiles, Grayling-well, and the 
meadows to the south of the city, belonged to houses 
in the town ; and were considered as part and parcel 
of the same. The monastery, the clergy, and the 
manors, still retained the lands belonging to each 

respectively. 



2l8 



respectively. At the extremity of St. Pancrass a few 
paces within the boundary, there was a mill, called 
the King's mill, for the use of the inhabitants; the 
ruins of which still point out the place where it stood, 
On the Lavant-course were three other mills, that of 
Hampnett, now in the possession of Mr. Knott — one 
between Hampnett and Lavant, in the marshes, the 
scite still discernible — and the other near Appledram, 
in the meadows, opposite to Appledram-common.* 
Though the number of houses in Chichester, 
taken in the survey, be only 2S3~, it is probable 

there 

* The Lavant is a very irregular stream ; sometimes (generally 
in the winter and spring) running in a full current ; at other times 
(commonly in the summer and autumn) the water disappearing 
in the marshes between Lavant and Hampnett, and leaving the 
bed quite dry. Had this been the case in the times of the Belgre ? 
Romans, and Britons, the moat round the city-walls would not 
have been supplied with water regularly, but only occasionally, 
when the stream flowed. Hence a probability arises that it has 
undergone a change. By history we are informed that in the 
years of our Lord 107 6, 1088. 1185, 1233, 1275, 1320, 138J, 
13S3, &c. there were great earthquakes in England. That which 
happened 10SS is said to have been so great that it shook the 
whole kingdom — —in a. d. 1185, so violent that it threw down 
many houses, churches, and other great buildings, in divers places. 
It may therefore be that in some of these great concussions of 
nature, the strata under the bed of the river received such new 
arrangement and modificatioa as to affect its course at some times 
and not at others. 



2Z9 

there were several more. The survey was made 
purely with a view to taxation ; and therefore all 
bouses that were too mean to be taxed were passed 
over, and not mentioned in the account given to 
the commissioners, and by them to the exchequer. 
That many of the slaves inhabited houses, and half- 
houses, (as the cottagers in every part of England 
do now ) can hardly be doubted ; but the houses were 
too mean, and themselves too insignificant, to be 
subject to any public assessment whatever. That it 
was so, the very number itself ending with a fraction 
is a convincing proof. The Doomsday-book men- 
tions only the houses belonging to the earl and the 
manors ; but it is more than barely probable that 
several persons of respectability, who belonged to 
neither of these, lived in it One is mentioned 
(Humphry Flamen) who had a house of ten shillings 
value, and it is probable there were several more of 
the same description. So that if we take these, and 
the wretched huts and half-huts of the unhappy slaves, 
and others, into the account, and add them to the 
number above-mentioned, we may without exaggera- 
tion, estimate the houses at four hundred and fifty, 
ami the number of inhabitants not much under three 

thousand. 



220 

thousand. The two West-lanes, it is true, were very 
thinly inhabited, if at all, and added very little, if 
any thing, to the population ; but in other respects, 
both the city and the suburbs were as extensive, and 
occupied the same space as now. In St. Pancrassare 
several houses holden under the manor of Halnaker 
to this day * 

The family of Montgomery did not long retain 
the vast possessions and honors which the Conqueror 
had heaped upon them : Robert de Belesme, (Belemy) 
the last of them, being out-lawed for rebellion by 
Henry I, a. d. 1102: so that the time they enjoyed 
the supremacy of Chichester and Arundel, and their 
other possessions in England, was not more than 
thirty -six years. As they were men of great power 
and influence both in Chichester, and thoughout the 
kingdom, while they continued in power, it will not 
be deemed a digression to give a brief account of 

each 

* Not many years ago the steward of lord Selsea, lord of 
the manor of Stoughton, demanded and received fourteen years 
quit-rent for one or more houses in the North-street, as holding 
under the said manor. It had fifteen houses in the city, and it is 
very probable that they lay in that neighbourhood, and occupied 
all that space in the west side of the North-street, which reaches 
from Crane-lane to the North-irate, 



221 

each of them, to the extent of my authentic informa- 
tion, as far as their affairs are connected with the 
city and county. 

Roger de Montgomery, the first earl, mentioned 
before, maintained a fair character, which he seems 
to have deserved, if we except the cruelty of his dis- 
position, which was the vice of the times; for what- 
ever humanity the Normans were possessed of in 
Normandy, it is well known they practised none in 
England : and to say that Roger w T as not more savage 
than his countrymen here, is no high panegyric. In 
other respects his character stands high. He was a 
person of great prudence, and unshaken intrepidity. 
When Robert (the Conqueror's eldest son) rose in 
arms against his father, he interceeded with the king, 
then in Normandy, in behalf of his rebellious son, 
and obtained his forgiveness. William died in 1087, 
and was succeeded on the throne of England by his 
second son, William Rufus, Roger at first, in con* 
junction with Odo, earl of Kent, the earl of Mor- 
taigne, and other barons, endeavoured to raise Robert 
( the eldest son of William ) to that dignity ; but was 
afterwards won over by Rufus to espouse his cause. 
He is praised by the monks as a person of great piety 

and 



222 

and benevolence. He founded and richly endowed 
the abbey of saint Peter, Shrewsbury ; and was a 
liberal benefactor to several religious houses, both 
in' England and Normandy. To the see of Chichester 
he gave, as mentioned before, the south-west quar- 
ter of the city. Three days before his death, (in 
August 1094) Tie assumed the cowl in the abbey of 
Shrewsbury, and " was honourably buried in the 
church of that monastery." (Vide Antiq. of Arund.) 
The second earl of Chichester was Hugh de 
Mongomery, the second son of Roger. The Welch 
called him Hugh Goch, on account of his red hair. 
He was a monster, whom no favours could bind, no 
principle direct, and no laws restrain. He joined 
Robert de Mowbray, and other barons, in an attempt 
to dethrone Rufus: which attempt w r as quashed, and 
Hugh glad to make his peace with the king, by pay- 
ing him a fine of three thousand pounds. In order to 
recover the favour of the king, he raised a powerful 
army, a. d. 1097, and marched against the Welch. 
In his march to Anglesea he committed the most 
horrid outrages on the defenceless inhabitants ; not 
only slaughtering, but torturing them with the most 
savage fierceness. At this place he was met by 

Magnus, 



223 

Magnus, king of Norway, who having conquered 
the Orkney-islands and that of Man, was proceeding 
to Anglesea, with an intention of landing there and 
plundering the inhabitants ; but fearing an opposi- 
tion he retired, after discharging a few arrows at 
those on shoie; with one of which, Hugh was 
mortally wounded, and dying in Anglesea, his body 
was carried to Shrewsbury, and deposited in the 
abbey there. 

The third and last earl of Chichester, of the 
Montgomery family, was Robert de Belesme, the 
eldest son of Roger, the first earl, from whom he in- 
herited his estates in Normandy, and on the death 
of Hugh, succeeded to those in England. The dis- 
position of Robert was not less sanguinary, nor in 
any respect less detestable than his brother's. — Rufus 
was killed in the New Forest, a. d. 1100, and his 
younger brother, Henry, seized upon the treasures 
of the late king at Winchester, which were very 
great, and usurped the crown, to the prejudice of 
his eldest brother, Robert, duke of Normandy, then 
absent in the Holy-land. On his retntn he prepared 
to vindicate his claim to the English throne, being 
joined by many of the Norman nobility, and some 

of 



224 

of the English; among whom he reckoned Robert 
de Belesme, earl of Chichester, Sussex, &c, his two 
brothers, Roger and Arnulph, and several others. — 
As the duke of Normandy relinquished or rather sold 
his pretensions to the crown of England, for an an- 
nual pension of three thousand marks ; it was stipu- 
lated that all the barons who had espoused his cause, 
should be restored to their estates and honours. But 
king Henry found means to evade or break through 
his engagements with all of them, and in a short 
time to accomplish their ruin. After the pacifica- 
tion, the earl had retired to his castle of Arundel, 
which (as he had no other pledge of safety but the 
king's plighted faith) he began to fortify, as he did 
his other castles. This afforded Henry a pretence 
for issuing a proclamation accusing him of treasons 
able designs, and ordering him to appear; which 
order as the earl did not think fit to comply with, he 
laid siege to him in the castle (of Arundel), from 
which he fled to Bridgnorth, the strongest castle that 
he had, which soon after was taken by storm, and 
the earl forced to cast himself upon rhe king's cle- 
mency. His life was granted to him on his petition, 
and likewise a safe conduct for himself, horse and 

arms. 



225 

arms, to the sea-coast: but all his honours and vast 
estates in England, were forfeited to the crown. All 
the earl's vassals, every person holding under him,, 
or in any way connected with him in the towns and 
rapes of Chichester and Arundel, and in his numerous 
lordships throughout England, greatly rejoiced at his 
downfall and expulsion ; as they were certain they 
could not fall into worse hands. The title of earl of 
Chichester was never revived to the same height of 
dignity and power as was enjoyed by the family of 
Montgomery. 

The whole race of the Monto-omeries were in- 
volved in the punishment and wreck of Robert de 
Belesme. The third son of Roger, was Roger, earl 
of Poictou in France, where he resided, as did Philip* 
(for some time) who was a priest. The youngest 

q. son 



* Philip, the fourth son of Roger de Montgomery, passed 
the first years of his life with his brother Roger, earl of Poictou ; 
and afterwards, in the 1 tumultuous reign of Henry I. removed to 
Scotland, from the king of which lie had given to him " a fair in- 
heritance in the shire of Renfrew." From him descended sir 
Robert Montgomery, of Eglesham, who in the reign of Richaid 
the second, a. d. 1388, with his own hand took prisoner Henry 
Percy of Northumberland, known by the name of Henry Hotspur. 
From him is descended the noble family of Montgomery, earls of 
Kjjlington in Scotland. 



226 



son, Arnulph, had no inheritance left to him by his 
father, but his arms — with these he conquered Pem- 
brokeshire in Wales, of which he constituted himself 
head or chief. That he was directly engaged in re- 
bellion against king Henry, along with his brother 
Robert, and the other barons, does not clearly appear; 
however that be, he certainly was involved in their 
punishment, and it is probable his life fell a sacrifice 
to the vengeance of the enraged king. The earl of 
Mortaigne and William de Warrenne, were likewise 
engaged in conspiracies against the kings who filled 
the throne soon after the Conquest, and lost their 
estates and honours in consequence thereof. The 
Count de Eu was impeached a. d. 1094, of being 
concerned in the conspiracy of Mowbray, and being 
found guilty, was condemned to have his estates con- 
fiscated, to lose his eyes, and his body in other re- 
spects mutilated. How long William de Braious re- 
tained possession of his boon, the rape of Bramber. 
I can find no account. Soon after the time now 
under consideration, that is in the reign of John, I 
find mention made in the history of Scotland, of 

de Bruce, lord of Cantyre. We may therefore 

suppose that about the time the other barons lost 

their 



227 

their estates, for rebellion, De Braious likewise lost 
his for the same offence. 

How precarious and how fleeting is human 
grandeur ! In the short space of nine year after the 
Conquest, of all the antient English nobility there 
was not one of them left in it : Waltheof, earl of 
Northumberland, the last of them, and who had 
married Judith, the Conqueror's niece, being exe- 
cuted for an alledged offence, on the 29th day of 
April, 1075, on a rising ground without the gates of 
Winchester. It has been remarked by some person 
that '< the most illustriously virtuous of the English 
(i nobility, and great men, those who best deserved 
* to live, have finished their lives on the block.'* 
This was fully exemplified in the case of earl 
Waltheof, whose life was so blameless, and his cha- 
racter so amiable, that even W illiam felt some qualms 
on his mind, on the occasion ; and would have 
rescinded or mitigated the unjust sentence of his 
condemnation; if he had not been goaded on by his 
Normans, who longed for his estates, to hasten his 
execution. 



q g CHAPTER 



228 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE CASTLE OP CHICHESTER GRANTED TO THE GREY FRIARS, 

AND AFTER THEM TO THE MAYOR AND CORPORATION. 

KING JOHN GRANTS A CHARTER TO THE CITY MAGNA 

CHARTA. BUILDING OF THE CATHEDRAL. STIGANDUS 

THE FIRST BISHOP OF CHICHESTER. 



OOON after the expulsion of the Montgomeries 

from England, the lordship of Chichester was vested 

in William de Albini, earl of Arundel; in whose 

family it continued many generations. Whether 

any of them resided in the castle thereof cannot be 

determined : though it is most probable that they 

did not; but governed the city by a deputy, who 

had that assigned to him as his residence. It has 

been said before that earl Roger gave the south-west 

quarter to the bishops of Chichester. The original 

grant is now lost, as I learn from the ms. notes of 

the late Mr. Clarke,* canon of this church, but what 

is 

* Now in my possession by the favour of the Revd. Mr. James 
Clarke, his grandson. 



229 

is of equal validity, a renewal and confirmation of 
the said grant, by the earl of Arundel, and queen 
Adeliza, his wife, is in the possession of the dean and 
chapter. 

About the year 1233, or soon after, the castle 
with its appurtenances, was given by William, the 
fourth earl of Arundel, (and last but one of the name 
of Albini) to the grey-friars of the order of saint 
Francis ; in whose possession it remained as a con- 
vent, till the dissolution of the order in the reign of 
Henry the eighth, who afterwards in the thirty-second 
year of his reign, a. d. 1541, granted it to the mayor 
and citizens of Chichester; by whom it was let on lease 
to the persons mentioned in the margin, except the 

q 3 chapel, 



The date of the grant is the 6th of November, 1541. Lea*d 
by the corporation to John Knott, a. d. 1543 ; William Appleby, 
1567 ; and this lease assigned to John Yonge, 15 SO, and to Ralph 
Chandler 15S1, and to George Goring, 1582; who made the 
additions. Sir John Caryll, 1602; Christopher Lewkenor, 1634, 
who was ousted by the parliament ; William Cawiey, lrj4— ; 
sir Richard May, 1674; sir Hutchins Williams; sir Pere Williams; 
sir Booth Williams; a daughter of sir Hutchins Williams married 
Mr. Fonnereau, to whom it belongs at present, by leasehold 
tenure under the mayor and corporation. The term of the lease 
is 999 years — when commencing I have not found, nor is it 
material. 



230 



chapel, which they converted into a shire or town- 
hall ever since. 

The honour of Arundel, in the course of a few 
years, appeared again in equal splendour, in the 
person of William de iUbini, whose father (of the 
same name) came into England with the Conqueror. 
Henry the first, had settled Sussex, and the castle of 
Arundel, on his second queen Adeliza,* as her dower : 
who, on the death of her husband, ( 1st December, 
1135) pitched upon the castle as the place of her 
residence. This lady married the fore-mentioned 
William de Albini, (called William with the strong 
hand, on account of his great strength) who thereby 

became 



* Adeliza, or Adelais, was the daughter of Geoffrey, earl of 
Louvain, in France, who was very nearly 1 elated to the kings of 
France, of the Carlovignian race. In the year 1136, she (Adeliza) 
gave to her brother Jocelin of Louvain, the manor of Carleton, 
including Eastdean, Boxgrove, Lavant, &c, From him sprung 
the Percies of Northumberland. So that that family may boast 
of being descended from Charlemagne, in a line more direct and 
unbroken than many of the late nobility of France, who prized 
themselves so highly on that honour. " -The manor of Carleton 
remained in the possession of the family of Percy more than five 
hundred years, till the time of Charles II. who obtained it of the 
carl (of Northumberland) for his son, whom he created duke of 
Richmond, &c. Goodwood was then, and had been for many 
years, an hunting seat belonging to the earl. 



231 

became possessed in right of his wife, of the castle, 
and therefore of the honours of earl of Arundel * 

When the empress Maude (daughter of Henry 
the first, of England, and relict of Henry the fifth, 
emperor of Germany) landed at Little-Hampton, 
a. d. 1139, in order to recover the crown of England, 
which Stephen had usurped, she was there received 
by William de Albini, and conducted with her at- 
tendants, to her mother-in-law, in the castle (of 
Arundel) — where she was soon after besieged by 
Stephen, and obliged to fly from thence to the castle 
of Bristol. Stephen died in 1 154, and w T as succeeded 
by Henry Plantagenet, the empress Maude's eldest 
son ; with whom the earl of Arundel being in great 
favour, w T as by him created earl of Sussex, and had 
the tertiwn denarium of all the pleas of the county 
granted to him, and his heirs. The family of the 
Albinies continued in possession of Arundel, Sussex, 
<Scc. till the year 1244, when they were succeeded 

q 4 by 

William de Albini was the handsomest man in England, 
perhaps in all Europe. His bare aspect attracted love and vene- 
ration — he was devout without ostentation, and a great protector 
of the church and clergy. His virtues and accomplishments 
rendered him one of the most amiable men of his age,— — (\ ide 
Ant. of Arun. p. 47, 



232 . 

by John Fitz-Alan, son of John Fitz-Alan, lord of 
Clun, and Isabel, the daughter and sole heiress of 
William de Albini, earl of Arundel, &c. in which 
family it continued through thirteen sucessions, three 
hundred and fifty years, Henry Alan the last, dying 
the twenty-fifth of February, 1579,* left for his 
heiress, a daughter Mary, who married Thomas 
Howard, duke of Norfolk :f in which truly noble 
and illustrious family, the honours of Arundel re- 
main to this day. 

In the year 1213, the freemen of the city of 
Chichester had an amplification of their charter of 
incorporation granted to them by king John, in the 
fourteenth year of his reign ; by which they were to 
be governed by a mayor, recorder, and an unlimitted 
number of aldermen and common-council, together 

with 
t Antiq. of Arund. 

f The history, of this great prince, who lived in the reign of 
Elizabeth, is so well known, that it would be superfluous here to 
say any thing concerning it. The sentence of condemnation for 
lijgh-treason which was passed upon him, affected the blood of his 
son Philip, as duke of Norfolk — but the honour of Arundel was 
not affected thereby, it was local, and descended to him by his 
mother, lady Mary Fitz-Alan; in whose right he was earl of 
Arundel and owner of Arundel-castle : and had summons to 
parliament by that right, the twenty-third year of Elizabeth. " - >* 
$ee Antiq. of Arund, 



233 

with four sergeants at mace : vesting them with 
power to try and determine all causes of trespass; &c. 
committed within their jurisdiction — to make bye- 
laws for their internal government, &c. in the same 
form and efficacy as all the charters were then, and 
have since been written * 

This favour conferred on the borough (for 
w T hich notwithstanding they were obliged to pay a 
very considerable doceur, or oblation, to the king, 
and another to the queen, called " aurum reginae," 
or queen-goldf) was a measure of policy on the part 
of John, who was involved in many difficulties and 
distresses, in consequence of his tyranny and mal- 
administration. He wished to rule in the most arbi- 
tary way, and his barons, who, in general were as 
great tyrants as he, could not bear to think of sub- 
mitting to that severity of oppression from the crown, 
which they very freely exercised upon their vassals 
and dependents. Every charter which the king grant- 
ed to the boroughs, was a local abridgment of the 

power 



* The charter of the city of London was six years Earlier, being 
dated a. d. 1207. 

f Ma rtdox's Hist. Excheq. Ch. X.— Brady on Burghs, var. loc. 



234 



power and authority of the barons, where it operated; 
and likewise, in effect, a kind of rival power, in op- 
position to them, the more grating to them, in every 
point of view, as they looked upon it as an act of 
encroachment, whereby their own property was sur- 
reptitiously filched from them, and converted into 
an engine to be employed against themselves. But 
John, who never respected the justice, but the ex- 
pedience of any measure, regarded none of those 
considerations. 

Two years after this, that is a. d. 1215, June 
19, king John was obliged to grant another charter, 
of a very different nature, and different tendency, as 
it respected him, and the power of the crown ,* 
namely the great charter of the nation, known by 
the name of Magna Charta; which was not granted 
voluntarily by him, but wrung from him by mere 
force : the conditions of which, had he lived, it was 
his fixt determination not to fulfil. This charter, so 
favourable to the nobility, tended very little to 
meliorate the condition of the lower classes of the 
people : it sheltered them indeed, in common with 
their lords, from the tyranny of the crown, in some 
cases; but it left them equally as before, subject to 

the 



235 

the oppression of the barons : an oppression which 
thev felt more sensibly than they did that of the king. 
When this palladium of English liberty, as it is called,, 
was executed at Runnimede by the king, William de 
Albini was with him, and of his party : but afterwards 
took an oath to obey the twenty-five lords who were 
appointed conservators to see that the articles of it, 
and that called " De Foresta," were fulfilled. He 
(William) died a. d. 1222, on his return from the 
Holy-land ; and left behind him an excellent cha- 
racter, both in private and public life, and also of 
being a strenuous asserter of the rights and liberty 
of mankind. 

I cannot inform the reader who were the ma- 
gistrates in the city at that time : whoever they were, 
they came into office when the whole kingdom was 
greatly convulsed ; when the king was deposed from 
his throne, by the fulminating voice of the Roman 
pontiff — and his subjects, by the same authority, 
absolved from their oaths of allegiance, and the king 
of France preparing to invade the kingdom, in ex- 
ecution of the papal sentence. Such was the time; 
a time which required the utmost exertions of cou- 
rage, guided by steady prudence, in the magistrate, 

to 



236 

to save the city from internal agitation, and external 
calamity. Nicholas de Aquila was then bishop of 
Chichester, and, however paradoxical it may appear 
in the present day, as bishop was possessed of more 
power and influence than the magistrates of any cor- 
poration in the kingdom, London perhaps excepted. 
The bishop, no doubt, would support the cause of 
his patroness, Rome, in preference, and even in» op- 
position to that of the king. But soon the rapid 
scene changes, the king of England resigns his crown 
to the holy-see, and becomes the pope's vassal, and 
Philip, king of France, ordered by the holy father to 
desist from attempting any thing against his son and 
servant, the king of England : with which orders the 
mighty monarch was forced to comply. — " Thus in 
(e these days of darkness did a weak old man, pos- 
(i sessed of little earthly power, but sole monarch of 
p superstition, more powerful than inchantment, 
" direct the actions and dispose of the destinies of 
• f the most powerful potentates, at his pleasure !" 

I have said before that the present cathedral 
church of Chichester was built by Seffrid II. bishop of 
the diocese. In the beginning of, his reign, William 
the Conqueror, had given orders that all cathedrals- 
churches 



237 

churches should be removed from villages to cities, 
and therefore Lanfranc, the arch-bishop of Canter- 
bury in a provincial synod, holden at saint Paul's 
in London, soon after his elevation, decreed that 
this order of the king should be fulfilled as soon as 
might be. Stigand was then bishop of this diocese, 
and was succeeded therein a. d. 1087, by Godfrey,- 
who died the next vear — and the see was vacant three 
years. In a. d. 1091, Ralph cc became bishop." (See 
Le Neve. ) This prelate, immediately after his pro- 
motion, began to make the necessary preparations 
for building ; but as the country was very much 
drained of money by the rapacity of the Conqueror 
and his son Rufus, he found it impossible for him to 
make anv progress therein, or even to lay the founda- 
tion, before the accession of Henry I. to the throne- 
under whose auspices the worthy bishop was enabled 
to begin and to compleat the work he had so much 
at heart, and which had so Ion o; been in agitation- 
The cathedral was finished in the year 11 OS: but 
being built of wood, was burned to the ground on 
the 9th of May, 1114. 

In the year following, the bishop began to re- 
build; and finished the second fabric before his 

death. 



2 3 8 

death, which happened the fourteenth of December, 
1123 — having been bishop of this diocese thirty-two 
years. Whether this second fabric was constructed 
of wood too, I no where find mentioned ; but it is 
most probable that it was, as it was burned about the 
year 1180, with the houses of the clergy, and almost 
all the city. 

SerFrid II. the seventh bishop of Chichester, 
was consecrated the seventeenth of October, 1180, 
and immediately began to make preparations to re- 
build the church, in a superior style of magnificence 
and durability. At the same time this worthy prelate 
rebuilt the episcopal palace, the cloisters, and the 
commons' houses : and finished the whole vast under- 
taking, in the space of fourteen years. On the 
thirteenth of September, 1199, he consecrated the 
church with great splendour and magnificence, being 
assisted by six other bishops. He gave the parson- 
age of Seaford, and other valuable benefactions, to 
the church. After having filled this see more than 
twenty-three years, with honour and advantage, he 
died the 17th of March, 1204. His effigy cut in 
black marble, is on the south-side of the door of the 
duke of Richmond's vault, opposite to bishop Ralph's, 

which is on the north side thereof. 

The 



239 

The expence of erecting this magnificent and 
elegant cathedral, with the palace, &c. must have 
been very great, e\ en at that time when money was 
comparatively much more valuable than it is now. 
No one can suppose that the fund, for that purpose, 
was derived from the bishop's estate, either real or 
personal. Henry II. king of England, was a great 
and magnificent prince, it is true : but his time, at- 
tention, and resources, were all engrossed by cares 
and undertakings of very different natures. The fol- 
lowing quotation, taken from a modern author, of 
approved veracity and intelligence, will throw some 
light upon this subject, and inform the reader by 
what means most of the cathedral churches in Eng- 
land were built. " As the prodigious power of re- 
u ligious zeal, whatever turn it happens to take, 
" when it is thoroughly heated, is well known, it 
s: may not be improper to give one example of the 
<c arts employed by the clergy and monks of this 
iod, to inflame the pious ardour of the kings, 
" nobles, and people, for building and adorning 
" churches. When Joffred, abbot of Croyland, re- 
c: solved to rebuild the church of his monastery, in 
' a most magnificent manner, a. d. 1106, he ob- 

" tained 



240 

f< tained from the arch-bishops of Canterbury and 
" York, a bull, dispensing with the third part of all 
cc penances for sin, to those who contributed any 
<c thing towards the building of that church. This 
- c bull was directed not only to the king, and people 
" of England, but to the kings of France and Scot- 
" land, and to all other kings, earls, barons, arch- 
£C bishops, bishops, abbots, priors, rectors, presby- 
" ters, and clerks, and to all true believers in Christ, 
Ci rich and poor in all Christian kingdoms. To make 
" the best use of this bull, he sent two of his most 
(e eloquent monks to proclaim it overall France and 
iC Flanders, two other monks into Scotland, two 
a into Denmark and Norway, two into Wales, Corn- 
fc wall and Ireland, and others into different parts of 
'•' England/' " By this means (says the historian*) 
" the wonderful benefits granted to all the contribu- 
C( tors to the building of this church, were published 
<s to the very ends of the earth ; and great heaps of 
•' treasure and masses of yellow metal, flowed in 
<; from all countries, upon the venerable abbot 
" Joffred, and encouraged him to lay the foundation 
" of his church." "Flaving spent about four years in 

" collecting 

* P. Blcsen's Contin. Hist. Ingulph. p. 113— 120. 



241 

" collecting mountains of different kinds of marble, 
u from quarries both at home and abroad, together 
u with great quantities of Time, iron, brass, and other 
'• materials for building, he fixed upon a day for the 

* great ceremony of laying the foundation, which 
" he contrived to make a very powerful mean of 

* raising the super-structure. For on the long ex- 
" pected day, the first of the holy-virgins, Felicitas 
" and Perpetua, an immense multitude of earls, barons 
" and knights, with their ladies and families, of abbots, 
" priors, monks, nuns, clerks, and persons of all ranks, 
" arrived at Croyland, to assist at this ceremony. 
" The pious abbot Jo fired began by saying certain 
a pravers, and shedding a flood of tears, on the 
" foundation. Then each of the earls, barons, knights, 
" with their ladies, sons and daughters, the abbots, 
" clerks and others, laid a stone, and upon it depo- 
u sited a sum of money, a grant of lands, tithes or 
w patronages, or a promise of stone, lime, wood, 
" labour or carriages, for building the church. After 
" this the abbot entertained the whole company, 
f( amounting to five-thousand persons, at dinner. 
" To this entertainment they were well entitled ; for 
w the money, and grants of different kinds, which 

r (i they 



242 

" they had deposited on the foundation-stones, were 
cc alone sufficient to have raised a very noble fabric, 
cc By such arts as these, the clergy inspired kings, 
ci nobles, and people of all ranks, with so ardent a 
Ci desire for these pious works, that in the course of 
cc this period, almost all the sacred edifices in Eng- 
" land were rebuilt, and many hundreds of new ones 
e< raised from the foundation. Nor was this spirit 
" confined to England, but prevailed as much in 
<c Scotland, in proportion to its extent and riches. 
cc King David L alone, besides several cathedrals, 
fe and other churches, built no fewer than thirteen 
& abbies and priories, some of which were very jnag- 
(e nificent structures, "*f The reverend and learned 
historian says, that the religious zeal of that age 
sprung from superstition. That the religion of the 
time was tinged with superstition, all over Europe, 
there can be no doubt; but it does not follow from 
thence, that the persons who so bountifully contri- 
buted to these 'great works of taste and utility, were 
influenced solely thereby, and not by a principle 
purely religious. No two things can be more dis- 



tinct, 



# Spcttiswood's Relig. Houses. 
f Henry's Hist. Gr. Brit. Vol. VI. p. 181. 



243 

tinct, I might say more opposite, than the religion 
of Christ, and superstition ; but the weakness of hu- 
man reason is such, that man cannot always discri- 
minate between truth and error, reality and delusion; 
and therefore philanthropy would willingly overlook 
a small shade of superstition in matters of specula- 
tion, rather than sigh over the total absence of 
religion. 

The first bishop of Chichester, and the first 
who resided in Chichester, was Stigand, promoted 
by the Conqueror on Whitsunday, 1070. Le Neve 
says, that he removed his see "most probably not 
before the year 1082, for in that year he is styled 
bishop of Sejsea." Stigand, or Stigandus, was a 
Norman by birth, a people who are known to have 
studied magnificence in their manner of living : and 
therefore I think it is probable, that he did not re- 
side in Selsea at all — which is a retired peninsula — 
and the episcopal residence, not fit to be called a 
palace, and by no means inviting to a person of 
that turn. 

When the government of the city reverted to 
the king, he appointed a bailiff or steward, to receive 
the annual payments, and to transmit the same tQ 

R2 the 



244 

the exchequer, for the king's use : and vested with 
delegated authority for the maintenance of peace, 
and the administration of justice. This state of things 
did not continue long : in a few years the govern- 
ment, &c. was given to the earl of Arundel, as said 
before. 



CHAPTER 



245 



CHAPTER XVI. 

REVENUES OF THE KINGS OF THE NORMAN LINE HOW DE- 
RIVED. THEIR RAPACITY,, INJUSTICE, AVERSION AGAINST 

THE ENGLISH ENDEAVOUR TO EXTIRPATE THE ENGLISH 

LANGUAGE EY WHAT MEANS PRESERVED. LEARNING OF 

THE TIME PROMOTED EY THE NORMANS. OF THE SCIENCES 

WHERE TAUGHT NECESSARY ARTS. TRADE OF ENG- 
LAND BALANCE FAVOURABLE. 



1 SHALL not repeat what I have before said, con- 
cerning the abject and miserable condition of the 
people at this time. William acquired the crown of 
England by conquest — by that right, the lands in 
the kingdom, and property of every kind, belonged 
to him. He retained one thousand four hundred and 
twenty-two manors in his* own possession : the rest 
he distributed among the barons and others, who 
had followed his standard in the expedition. But 
none of his grants were absolute and unconditional : 
even the most ample and liberal of them contained 
conditions on the part of those who received them, 

rS of 



246 



of homage and fealty to the king, personal atten- 
dance in his court when required, and military ser- 
vice in the field. The spiritual barons (arch-bishops, 
bishops, &c.) were subject to the same military ser- 
vice as the temporal. From the Doomsday-book it 
appears, that . the whole kingdom contained sixty 
thousand two hundred and fifteen knights fees ;* of 
which twenty-eight thousand one hundred and fifteen 

belonged to the church. 

1 

The king retained for himself and successors, 
reserved or quit-rents, from every manor which he 
granted ; the wardships of all the minors among his 
vassals; the right of permitting or forbidding the 
marriage of any of them, male and female; a sum of 
money from every heir when he came to his estate. 
He reserved likewise what they called scutage, which 
was a kind of commutation tax, whereby certain de- 
scriptions of persons were excused from actual ser- 
vice in the field. To these were added aids, to en- 
able him to make his son a knight, to marry his 
daughter, and to ransom his person when taken 
prisoner. 

All these services and prestrations the imme- 
diate vassals of the crown paid to the sovereign, and 

exacted 
* Twenty pounds per ann. was a knight's fee. 



247 

exacted the same of the vassals under them ; as these 
again in many, very many, cases did of their sub- 
vassals. "By this means (says the historian) all 
" the distressful servitudes of the feudal system de- 
" scended from the sovereign to the meanest pos- 
" sesSor of land by military tenure, becoming heavier 
" as they descended lower."* 

The revenues of the Norman kings were equal 
to the other advantages which they enjoyed; for 
which revenue and advantages they did not think 
themselves indebted to the generosity and good-will 
of the people, but to their own valour and fortune 
in war. Besides all the revenues arising from the 
roval domains, and from the other sources just men- 
tioned, money flowed into the exchequer from es- 
cheats and forfeitures, in great abundance, in these 
turbulent times — -from ecclesiastical vacancies, from 
tallages — a certain arbitrary tax levied upon cities, 
towns, tenants, &c. — from the Danegeklt, which con- 
tinued to be levied in every county by the sheriffs, 
and paid by them into the exchequer — from amer- 
ciaments, which were imposed in the most arbitrary 
manner, and on the most frivolous pretences; if a 

E 4 person 

* JIfnry, Vol. VI. p. ?0- 



248 



person was able to pay a fine that alone was a suffi- 
cient reason to levy it upon him — from moneyage, 
i. e. for not debasing the coin — from farming of 
counties, ckies, and boroughs — from profits of law- 
proceedings in all courts of justice; two-thirds of 
which belonged to the king, and one-third to the 
earl, chief-magistrate, &c. — from queen-money — 
from the exchequer of the Jews ; a tax levied upon 
that unhappy people for permitting them to remain 
in the kingdom, to trade and to receive usury — 
from tolls at bridges, fairs, &c. — and from customs 
on goods imported or exported. But the most dis- 
honourable source of their revenue was the free-gifts, 
given by the people to obtain justice, or procure 
injustice, i. e. to decide a cause favourably. In short 
(what they called) justice was openly sold:* " and 
cf no office of emolument could be obtained but by 
" purchase. For money they sold their love and 
" their hatred — were pleased or angry — friends or 
iC foes, as they were paid. To complete their shame 
" all these articles of their revenues are regularly 
" entered upon the public records ; where they still 
cc remain, indelible monuments of their venality and 
" disgrace."t I* 

• Henry's Hist. G. Brit.— f Madox's Hist. Excheq. C. XIII- 



249 

It is Impossible to conceive any plan better 
adapted for the regular, speedy, and effectual admi- 
nistration of justice, than the Anglo-Saxon courts. 
But the Normans suffered this goodly fabric of easy 
justice to fall to the ground, and on the ruins of it, 
reared a ghastly pile of tremenduous aspect; fit only 
For a Draco to establish, and a Jeffries to preside in. 
In the year 1095, William separated the ecclesiasti- 
cal court from the civil ; prohibiting the bishops from 
sitting as judges, and the clergy from attending as 
suitors in the county courts : thus forming the clergy 
into a separate state, under a foreign dominion; 
which in the issue was productive of much public 
confusion. At his coronation he took an oath '* to 
" keep and establish right laws ; to prevent rapine 
" and unjust judgment ;" but through the whole of 
his reign he acted in direct opposition to this solemn 
engagement ; taking effectual care that the customs 
and laws of Normandy should be observed and obeyed 
in England. " The English ( says Ingulphus, who had 
V been secretary to William) were so much despised 
" and abominated, that" whatever their merit might 
" -be, they were deprived of all their offices, and 
•* strangers of inferior abilities., put into their places." 

By 



By which means it came to pass, that in the course 
of very few years, all the great officers, both iit 
church and state, were Normans. In consequence, 
as all the judges and pleaders in the courts of law 
were foreigners, the French language was necessarily 
introduced, and the English tongue banished from 
thence. This was attended with great confusion and 
interruption in the administration of what they called 
justice, and produced many and great changes in 
the forms of the deeds, &c. It was the wish and 
endeavour of the Conqueror, and the kings of the 
Norman-line, to eradicate the English language en- 
tirely from hence, and substitute the French, or 
rather the Norman-French, in its stead. But though 
this was the wish of the Normans, it was not the in- 
tention of Providence, that the English language 
should perish ; and every lover of the sciences and 
literature will rejoice at the event. The native Eng- 
lish, though oppressed, despised, and harrassed in 
every possible way, clung to their language as the 
sheet-anchor of their hope, as the last remaining 
monument of their ever having had an existence : 
and at last prevailed. The contest was long, more 
than three hundred years in duration, till the reign 

of 



25 1 

of Henry the fourth. The Conqueror and the suc- 
ceeding kings, ordained, and very strictly enjoined, 
not only that the French language should be used 
in all law-proceedings, but that also in all the schools 
throughout the kingdom, the young children and 
others, should be taught that language only. To 
balance these injurious measures on the side of power 
in some degree, the attachment of the English to 
their vernacular tongue, seemed to increase in the 
same proportion as the means that were used to ex- 
tinguish it. — The Latin tongue was studied with 
great assiduity by all who were of the learned pro- 
fessions, or aspired to any reputation therein. And 
it may be asserted with truth, that the Latinity of no 
age from the decline of learning, (on the fall of the 
Roman empire in the west) to the revival of it, was 
so elegant as that of the twelfth century.* The 
change in the manner of their education of youth, 
first began about the eighth or ninth year of the 
reign of Richard the second, a. d. 1385. When "the 
u lore in gramer-scole was changed, and the cori- 
" struction of Frenche into Englische:" as we are 
infoimed by Trcvisa, an author who wrote at the 

same time. 

In 

# Univcrs. Hist, — Paris 



252 

In the beginning of his reign, William I. first 
introduced that barbarous institution, the judicial 
combat, into the code of English jurisprudence ; a 
dishonourable relic of which, duelling, still remains 
among us, to disgrace the national character. In the 
turbulent reign of Stephen, the pandects of Justinian 
were first brought into England from Rome, by arch- 
bishop Theobald; and laid the foundation for the 
study of the civil law here. In- 1164, Henry II. en- 
acted the famous constitutions of Clarendon, with a 
view to bring the clergy again under the power of 
the civil jurisdiction: but experienced great opposi- 
tion from the pope, the arch-bishop, Becket, and 
from all the clergy. t! Against the arch-bishop, the 
" king was so much enraged, that (as he himself had 
" fled out of the kingdom ) he apprehended all his 
" relations and dependants, to the number of four 
<c hundred persons, men, women and children; con- 
<: fiscated every thing that belonged to them, and 
• s f banished them out of the kingdom, in the middle 
" of winter, a. d. 1165: making the adults take an 
" oath that they would repair to the place where the 
" arch-bishop was, and present themselves to him." 
(Vide Henry.) As this was done without trial, or 

even 



253 

even suspicion of guilt, on the part of the persons 
seized, it shews the great power of the kings of 
England in those days; and also that unlimitted power 
however acquired, whether it arises from force or 
corruption, is an engine not fit to be trusted in 
mortal hands. 

The great charter was intended to soften the 
rigour of the feudal system, as far as the great were 
concerned — but it was a long time before it answered 
that purpose. The castles of the barons were no 
better than dens of robbers — the chief there presided 
in the midst of his vassals, clad in compleat armour; 
prepared either to ravage the adjoining country, or 
to pounce upon the unwary traveller. The woods 
also were infested by desperadoes, who subsisted not 
by industry, but plunder. This was the case with the 
weald of Sussex, which harboured several gangs of 
this description, who attached themselves to, and 
were under the command of some savage chieftain, 
who had acquired a name and reputation for great 
bodily strength, and more than common ferocity. 
Such were the two notorious robbers known by the 
name of Robin Hood* and Little John, who lived in 
the days of Richard I. The 

* The history of this noted freebooter is not wholly fabulous. 



254 

Though the coming of the Normans was pro- 
ductive of much misery and distress in England,, it 
must be acknowledged that it was also the occasion 
of several advantages, in the issue, which could not 
have accrued, if that or some revolution in the poli- 
tical world had not happened. The Danish kings of 
England were not remarkable for patronising the 
arts and sciences. William I. had himself received a 
liberal education in his native country ; and endea- 
voured both in Normandy and in England, to en- 
courage learning, Sec. as much as the extreme tur- 
bulence of his reign could permit. This he did, not 
out of any regard to the unhappy people of this 
country, whom he and the Normans in general, both 
despised and hated, but with a view to root out the 
English language, and plant the French in the room 

of it. 

Not 

He is said to have been of noble family. At the time mentioned, 
and for centuries afterwards the country was infested by numerous 
gangs of armed banditti, who set law (and almost government) at 
defiance. The scene of his exploits (such as they were) was Sher- 
wood, near Nottingham, and Yorkshire. A price" was set on his 
head by Hubert Walter, arch-bishop of Canterbury and justicary 
of England : in consequence of which, on his falling ill, and going 
to the monastry of Berkley, in Yorkshire, to be blooded, his per- 
son was recognised, and instead of the operation which he ie*i 
quired, they bled him to death in the year 11£7, 



o c 



5 



Not only grammar was taught at this time, but 
also rhetoric, logic, metaphysics, physics, ethics, divi- 
nitv, the canon-law, the civil-law, the common-law, 
arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, astrology, and me- 
dicine. If we except the Latin tongue, the other 
branches of learning were not studied with much 
success. Their logic was the Aristotelian, which in 
fact is only the art of quibbling ad infinitum. Their 
metaphysics and philosophy tended to confound, 
but by no means to enlighten the understanding. 
Their fondness for the logic of Aristotle infected all 
the sciences — their divinity was the school divinity ; 
and the teachers and professors of it, the schoolmen.- 
Geometry was studied only as it led to astronomy ; 
and astronomy itself as an introduction to astrology. 
Of their knowledge of the canon-law in those days, 
and several succeeding centuries, no high encomium 
can be given. John of Salisbury says of it, that "the 
<c laws themselves were become traps and snares; in 
" which plain honest men, who were unacquainted 
" with legal quirks and subtleties, were caught." Of 
their knowledge in the civil and common-law, I am 
incompetent to form an opinion. — Their knowledge 
in arithmetic must have been very bounded before 

the 



256 

the use of the Arabian digits, in the twelfth century * 
The few treatises which were written therein, even 
in the sixteenth century, are very defective. In 
medicine their theories seemed profound; but in the 
art of healing, or curing diseases, they were no adepts. 
Even so early as the time of Richard I. there was a 
distinction between the physicians and surgeons: 
and some there were then who studied the materia 
medica, and compounded and sold medicines, but 
did not take upon them to prescribe. 

From the monuments of the time it appears, 
that even in the time of Henry II, and Richard I. 

the 

* The knowledge an# use of the Arabian digits wore intro- 
duced into Britain by Robert Grpsthed, bishop of Lincoln, to 
which he was consecrated a. d. 1235— -and died October 4, 1253. 
This great man, by the mere force of intellect, had the happiness 
to purify his learning from the vain pomposity and sophistry of the 
age in which he lived ; and to direct all his researches to some 
useful purpose. His piety was undebased by superstition, his 
probity built on conscious virtue, and his courage so great that 
the proofs he gave of it would appear fiction, if they were not 
supported by historical evidence, which cannot be called in ques- 
tion. Alone, and unsupported by any earthly power, he repelled 
the encroachments of pope Innocent IV. one of the most imperious 
pontiffs that ever filled saint Peter's chair; and at last triumphed 
over that power which trampled on the thrones of prostrate kings. 

See Henry's Hist, of Gr. Brit. Vo\ VIII, p. 10, 



257 

the study of experimental philosophy, chemistry, 
botanv, and anatomy, was very little cultivated, if 
at all. 

The many monasteries which were built in 
England, after the Conquest, (in which the most learn- 
ed men of the age presided) tended to diffuse learn- 
ing. The same effect flowed from the improvement 
then made in the manufacture of writing-paper, 
Before the Conquest, and for sometime after, it was 
made of cotton — but sometime about the middle of 
the second Henry's reign.' it was made of linen-rags, 
as it is now ; though not in the same perfection. — - 
The croisades also contributed to increase the know- 
ledge of the sciences in Europe. But it is to be 
observed that the learning of the times was confined 
to the clergy : the laity remained illiterate for manv 
ages. The great men spent all their time in war, 
fin rural employments, or in domestic bickerings : 
and the great body of the people were depressed to 
a very great degree, they were wholly occupied in 
constant servitude and hard labour, and had no time, 
:md hardly a wish to acquire any literary knowledge. 

The places or schools, where the sciences were 
taught, were the two universities of Oxford and 

s Cambridge. 



2 5 8 

Cambridge, tn the second place, cathedral-churches; 
which were not only superintended by the bishop, 
but taught by him in person; -who, in general, de- 
voted almost all his time and study to the education 
of youth, not children, but young men. Thirdly, 
conventual-schools; where the candidates for the 
monastic life were taught Latin, and church-music. 
Nicholas Breakspear, (afterwards pope Adrian IV.) 
was rejected by Richard, abbot of saint Albans, for 
w r ant of a competent knowledge in the Latin gramere, 
&c. Besides these, in almost all the principal towns 
in England, there were schools founded for the edu- 
cation of youth. In many parts of England, in the 
eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, the Jews 
had seminaries of learning, for teaching the Hebrew, 
Samaritan, and Arabic tongues, and arithmetic. The 
little knowledge in this last which the English had, 
they derived principally from them : several of their 
rabbies, in those days, distinguished themselves in 
the literary world. 

The necessary and ornamental arts, also, re- 
ceived a proportional degree of improvement from 
the coming of the Normans. In this list we may 
place agriculture among the first, which received 

considerable 



2 59 

considerable advancement, principally from the ex- 
ample and instruction of the clergy. The instru- 
ments of their husbandry, in the reign of Richard I. 
were nearly the same as those now in use, so was 
the manner of manuring and cultivating their land ; 
but fti a less perfect way. Gardening also, received 
great improvement from the same source. The 
Normans coming from a wine-country, endeavoured 
to introduce the same accommodation in England ; 
and, however incredible it may appear ; they suc- 
ceeded to a very great degree. In the eleventh and 
twelfth centuries there were many vineyards in 
England, which produced a wine, very little inferior 
jo body or flavour to the wines in France. A con- 
lirmation of this may be found in the Saxoii Chro- 
nicle, page 240, &c. Madox's history of the Ex- 
chequer, page 2S9, and in William of Malmsbury, 
in various places. He celebrates the vale of Gloucester 
(near which he spent his life) for its great fertility, 
&c. ec This vale (he says) is planted thicker with 
V vineyards than any other province in England; 
" and they produce grapes in the greatest abundance, 
" and of the sweetest taste. The wine made in these 
" vineyards is very little inferior, in any respect, to 

s 2 " the, 



26o 

(i the wines of France." I am not ignorant that the 
history of the times shews that there were many 
famines in England in those days ; but those famines 
proceeded from,, and were the consequence of the 
devastations of war, in a greater degree than from 
a defective agriculture. 

The architecture of the English, before the 
Conquest, even the best of it, was very mean and 
heavy. The twelfth century may justly be called 
the age of architecture in the western-parts of Europe. 
About the time that the present cathedral ( of Chi- 
chester) was erected, the mode of building received 
a very great change for the better : the style before 
( which was the real Gothic ) was plain, low, dark, 
and strong, the walls exceedingly thick, the doors 
and windows low and small, the arches semi-circular, 
and without any ornaments. This was succeeded by 
what was called the Latter Gothic ; which did not 
make its appearance in Britain before the year 1164, 
distinguished from the former by having the walls 
higher, and not so exceedingly thick, supported by 
buttresses on the outside, the doors and windows 
loftier and wider — the arches pointed, as were also 
the arches of the roof; the fabric covered with lead, 

with 



26l 



with pinnacles at each end; a tower over the middle 
of the cross, and finished with lofty pyramidal spires 
of stone. These structures remain to this day ; the 
ornament and admiration of the present age. The 
stones wherewith these magnificent edifices were 
built, were brought from quarries near Caen, in 
Normandy. Who was the architect of the cathedral 
of Chichester, I cannot determine with precision- 
William of Sens, who built the archiepiscopal church 
of Canterbury, between the years 1070 and 1091, 
was a very famous architect, both in wood and stone; 
and "invented many useful machines;" but from 
the date of the building of the cathedral of Canter- 
bury, and the style of it, it does not appear probable 
that he planned, or had the superintending of that 
of Chichester. Walter of Coventry was an eminent 
architect, and built many magnificent fabrics both 
sacred and civil, in the reigns of Henry II. Richard 
and John. Matthew of Paris says of him <c so ex- 
f cellent an architect had never yet appeared, and 
" probably never would again appear in the world." 
There were, no doubt, other men in England who 
were eminent in that way. It is probable, but not 
certain, that Walter was the artist who directed in 

s 3 the 



262 



the construction of the very elegant and noble struc- 
ture;, the church of Chichester. 

The clothing arts, both in woollen and linen, 
received very great improvements during the time 
of the Norman kings. William brought many Flem- 
ings into England ; who were then, and for several 
succeeding centuries, the principal manufacturers of 
cloth in Europe. At the same time the arts of sculp- 
ture and painting, especially portrait-painting, re- 
ceived considerable improvement : that of painting 
on glass is supposed to have been brought into 
England in the reign of John. 

It is maintained by several writers that the 
Norman Conquest was favourable to the trade of 
England : I shall not obtrude my opinion on a sub- 
ject in which I am incompetent to judge. That the 
trade of England, after the revolutionary tumult had 
subsided, did increase is certain: but whether in 
consequence of the coming of the Normans, may 
be questioned. William obtained the crown by 
the sword; and by the same means the Norman 
parous and great men, acquired their vast estates 
|iere : for which reason, after that period for many 
ages, arms constituted the most honourable and lu- 
crative 



263 



crative profession : and they who, in spite of that 
discouragement, engaged in trade, were exposed to 
many inconveniencies, many hardships. Besides, it 
is obvious, that the spirit of feudalism is inimical to 
commerce : it breathes nothing but despotism on 
the one hand, and slavish submission on the other. 
Some degree of political freedom is necessary for the 
nourishment of trade. Monopolizers and contractors 
may live and prosper under a despotism ; as birds 
and beasts of prey do in time of war and pestilence; 
but freedom is necessary to a general commerce, 
which shall pervade and invigorate the whole body 
of the community ! 

With the Normans, there came very great 
numbers of Jews into this country, and brought much 
money with them; which, no doubt, did contribute to 
increase the commerce of the nation. The chief seats 
of trade were London and Bristol, and their depen- 
dencies, viz. Ross in Pembrokeshire, where a colony 
of Flemings were settled, the Cinque-Ports, ( Dovei ^ 
Hastings, Hythe, Romney and Sandwich, to which 
(afterwards) were added Rye and Winchelsea) Chi- 
chester, Norwich, Yarmouth, Lincoln, York, Sec. 
the articles nearly the same as those already men- 

s 4 tioned, 



264 

tioned, both of exports and imports. Almost all the 
foreign trade, was in the hands of foreigners. Fitz- 
Stephen, who lived in the time of Henry II: in his 
account of London, says, « Every nation under 
" heaven have factors here residing, for the manage- 
" ment of their commerce/' To which we may add 
that they had deputy factors in all the principal towns 
of England. 

The denominations of money were changed 
after the Conquest, in some measure. The pound 
continued the same, consisting of 5400 grains troy; 
the shilling different, being the twentieth part of a 
pound, or 270 grains— it is very uncertain whether 
the shilling was a real coin, or only a denomination 
of money. The penny was the most common real 
coin for many years after the Conquest, being the 
twelfth part of a shilling, or 22- grains : and would 
purchase, in the time of the Norman kings,, and after- 
wards, as much goods or provisions, as four or five 
shillings would in 1792. Money was for many ages 
coined both in Chichester and several towns in Eng- 
land. In all of them the coiners received their dyes 
from the exchequer, and were each under the direc- 
tion of the barons of that office, and answerable to 

them. 



265 

them, both for the weight, and quality, or fineness. 
I do not find that any gold was coined in England 
after the Conquest, before the year 13 44, the seven- 
teenth of the third Edward. That the balance of 
trade was in favour of England at these times, might 
be proved by the same arguments as were adduced 
to evince it in the time of the Anglo-Saxons. 



CHAPTER 



266 



CHAPTER XVII. 

CHANGE IN THE MANNERS OF THE PEOPLE.— OF CHIVALRY 

SURNAMES FIRST THEATRICAL ENTERTAINMENTS IN ENG- 
LAND. DAWN OF LEARNING. OF ROGER BACON- 

ROBERT GROSTED JOHN WICKLIFFE. MERCHANTS OF 

THE STAPLE. PECKHAM, ARCH-BISHOP OF CANTERBURY. 



A VERY considerable change took place in the 
manners and customs of the people, by their sub- 
jection to, and afterwards intermixture with their 
Norman conquerors. This people came originally 
from Scandinavia, under the famous Norwegian chief 
Rolio, who, in the beginning of the tenth century, 
invaded Neustria in France, and were permitted to 
occupy that province, on condition of their becom- 
ing Christians, and protecting the coast of Britanny, 
&c. from all future adventurers. They were called 
Northmans or Normans, as coming from the North. 
Here they settled, and in the course of a few years, 
from various causes, became a more civilized people 

thai- 



267 



than they had been. As they inter-married with the 
people of France, they endeavoured to conceal the 
disgrace of their origin by assuming the name and 
manners of the French to a certain degree. After 
their settling in England, the strongest trait of their 
character was a deep, implacable hatred and sovereign 
contempt of the English, which pervaded all degrees 
of them, from the king on the throne, to the mean- 
est wretch on a dunghill ; which adhered to them 
through many succeeding generations. Their hatred 
and contempt of the natives of this country, could 
be equalled by nothing but the many cruel indigni- 
ties which they made them suffer. One of the most 
polished of the Normans, (Eadmerus) in describing 
the battle of Hastings, in which he was engaged, 
says, u the cries of the Normans on one side, and of 
" the barbarians (that is the English) on the other, 
'•' was drowned by the clashing of arms and the 
" groans of the dying." For many years the greatest 
reproach that coul4 be cast on any one, was to call 
him an Englishman. Even so late as the reign of 
Edward I. more than two hundred years after the 
Conquest, if a Norman, or foreigner, resident in 
England, was accused of any thing dishonourable 

and 



268 



and base, in denying it, he would say — " What ! do 
you imagine me to be an Englishman ?" 

Another change in the manners of the inhabi- 
tants of this kingdom was introduced, by that strange 
spirit of chivalry, which the Normans imported into 
this island. Whether the effects of that institution 
were salutary or otherwise, in a commercial state, is 
not necessary to enquire. They were likewise the 
first that introduced surnames among the English. 
At first these were confined to persons of rank and 
family; who generally assumed them from the castles 
or estates they possessed. The common people did 
not (dared not) adopt that mode of distinction for 
many years : and then not regularly — some did, and 
some did not. Among these the surname, at first, 
was an epithet or nickname, as John White, James 
Short, William Hardy, Sec. and these names, or 
epithets, did not descend to their children, if they 
did not possess these properties. This mode pre- 
vailed more or less, full three centuries ; i. e. till 
the reign of Henry IV. 

In the articles of wearing-apparel, &c. many 
improvements were made by the Normans, which 
could not be generally adopted by the English, who 

were 



269 

were treated with the greatest severity by them, for 
almost two hundred years. It was an offence for the 
slaves to wear the same kind of attire, or to dress 
after the same fashion as the freemen did. In one 
respect this regulation was not observed. The Nor- 
mans shaved their beards, which the English did not : 
and had a simple, but certainly harmless, attach- 
ment to that part of them which grew on the upper- 
lips. To mortify them in this, as in every other 
way, the Conqueror ordained, under a very severe 
penalty, that all his subjects should shave their beards; 
and the regulation was enforced with the keenest 
rigour. Odoricus Vitalis says, that "many of the 
" English chose rather to abandon their country than 
" part with their whiskers." 

We are informed, by the author of Anglia- 
Sacra, Eadmerus, and John of Salisbury, that the 
Normans first introduced into this country, a crime 
too detestable even to be named — " fsedissimum 
Sodomas scelus." 

At this period jousts and tournaments also first 
made their appearance in England; as did, in the 
twelfth century, theatrical entertainments, both ec- 
clesiastical and secular: the first consisted of legendary 

tales 



270 

tales of the holy martyrs, Sic. and the second per- 
formed by companies of strollers of the worst cha- 
racters, and their representations of the most inde- 
licate and obscene nature * 

About the beginning of the thirteenth century, 
a discerning eye might discover a faint dawn of light, 
or rather the symptoms of a dawn, from that long 
night of profound darkness which enveloped Europe, 
after the fall of the western Roman empire. Perhaps 
the means which the Roman pontiff (the patron of 
darkness and error) adopted to perpetuate the shades 
of night, might, by the over-ruling influence of a 
kind Providence, tend to dispel them, and deliver 
the unhappy sons of men from the mental and cor- 
poreal degradation, into which the nefarious system 
of that anti-christian religion had plunged them. — 
In every convent in the kingdom, there was an office 
called the scriptorium, in which a number of monks, 
educated for that purpose, were employed to tran- 
scribe, in fair, legible characters, the works of the 
learned. Some monasteries contained more than a 
thousand volumes ; most of them written in a very 
fair hand. These were for the use of the students 

in 

* See John of Sails. 



2 7 1 

in the various branches of learning, which were then 
taught. By these means, knowledge came to be 
more diffused ; and though it was confined princi- 
pally to religious seminaries, yet the number of 
these was so great, in the time now considered, that 
it mav be affirmed with truth, that learning was 
more cultivated, and knowledge more diffused, in 
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, than they had 
been for many ages. 

In the thirteenth century lived Robert Grosted. 
(or Grouthead) the good bishop of Lincoln, who 
with undaunted courage exposed the superstition, 
errors, aud tyranny of the papal system; and being 
a volumnious writer himself, paved the way for that 
eminent reformer John Wickliffe, a name which will 

ever be revered. Prior to both of these, Roger 

Bacon,* that great luminary in science, astonished 
Britain, and all Europe, with a display of learning 

and 

* This extraordinary man, R.oger Bacon, was born a. d. 
1214, and at the age of twenty-six entered into the order of 
Franciscan monks at Oxford, " that he might prosecute his studies 
in tranquility." The monks of his own order and the Dominicans, 
v> ere his most inveterate and implacable enemies. He died at 
Oxford, at the age of seventy-eight years, more than one fourth 
part of which was passed in confinement, in gaol, by the m-alica 
of his enemies. 



2J2' 

and knowledge, too dazzling for eyes, which had 
been habituated to a dim twilight, to look up to. 
So far did he eclipse all that had ever gone before 
him, that he was suspected, even by the learned, to 
have derived his knowledge from infernal spirits, 
If we consider that this great man had no teacher, 
(the world could furnish none for him ) and no 
assistant, but on the contrary, mankind associated to 
thwart and impede him, we may be allowed to affirm 
that the powers of his mind were inferior to none of 
any nation or age. Philosophy he first rescued from 
the quibbles of logic, to its proper basis of laborious 
patient experiment. It is true, his studies did not 
directly tend to religion, nor were his discoveries 
made in that province; but it is equally true that 
the exposure of error in any path, and the extention 
of truth of every denomination, has a tendency to 
illuminate every subject, of every description. It is 
no disparagement to the memory of that eminent 
reformer John Wickliff, to say that the world is in- 
debted to the previous discoveries of Roger Bacon, 
and the undaunted exertions of Robert G rested, the 
pious bishop of Lincoln, that ever he had an exis- 
tance as such. The latter of these showed mankind 

the 



273 " 

the horrid features of the Romish imposture ; and 
the former furnished the weapons wherewith the 
monster might be assailed with success. No greater 
praise can be ascribed to man than saying, with 
these the immortal WickliflC single and alone, entered 
the lists against all the powers of darkness: and 
though he could not lay the foe prostrate at his feet, 
he inflicted wounds on him which never were healed. 
The fabulous Hydra of Lerna was feigned to have 
had fifty heads ; the real monster of Rome had many 
thousands!* 

t About 

• John Wickliff, a native of the county of York, and pro- 
fessor of divinity in Oxford, was born a. d. 1324— and died in 
the year 13S4. A cotemporary historian, and his inveterate 
enemy (Knyghton) says, that " more than one half of the peo- 
" pie of England became his followers, and embraced his doctrine." 
After his death the pope, and all the Romish clergy throughout 
Europe, endeavoured with all their power to eradicate the im- 
pression which his preaching and writings had made on the minds 
of men, but it was a vain attempt ; truth is congenial to the mind 
of man; and no endeavours can-long maintain the reign of delu- 
sion and tyranny, in the midst of light and knowledge. His bones 
were dug up and burned, his books condemned and anathematized, 
his character blackened, his doctrines denounced, and the abettors 
of them persecuted with the utmost fury. But all these attempts 
to stifle the truth were ineffectual. His disciples (called Lollards 
in England, and Albigenses abroad) instead of diminishing, in- 
creased ; and in the issue overturned the system of spiritual im- 
posture and papal tyranny. 



274 

About the middle of the reign of Edward III. 
the company of merchants called the merchants of 
the Staple, was formed in England; and the laws 
and regulations of the society settled by act of par- 
liament. (Vide Stat. 27, K. Edward III.) The com- 
pany was invested with great privileges : they were 
exempted from the jurisdiction of the ordinary ma- 
gistrates, and placed under the authority of a mayor 
and constables of the Staple, chosen annually., in 
each staple-town : in which there were also six me- 
diators, (two Germans, two Lombards, and two Eng- 
lishmen ) who were to determine all disputes brought 
before them, in the presence of the mayor and con- 
stables of the Staple. There were other immunities 
which they enjoyed. They were in fact, not only 
a distinct but (in all matters relating to traffic) an 
independent commonwealth. The other towns, be- 
sides Chichester, of the Staple, were London, York, 
Canterbury, Winchester, Bristol and Exeter. The 
purposes intended to be answered by this establish- 
ment were, first, to collect together all that could 
be spared of the chief commodities produced in the 
kingdom, wool, wool-felts, lead and tin, and to de^ 
posit ihem in these constituted depositories ; that 

foreign 



*75 

foreign merchants might know where to find them: 
and in the second place to export these staple-goods 
to foreign countries, and import from thence either 
bullion, or the produce of those countries which 
was wanted in England. 

About the middle, and towards the end of the 
thirteenth century, lived John Peckham, arch-bkhop 
of Canterbury; a native of this county, and founder 
of the families of that name, both in Sussex and 
Kent ; several of which live in affluence and respec- 
tability to this day. According to the account of 
this extraordinary man in the history of Lewes, he 
was born about the year 1230, of very indigent 
parents; who were not able to give him any educa- 
tion. This defect was supplied by the partiality of 
the monks of Lewes, who not only gave him a sub- 
sistence, but bestowed on him a liberal education : 
and afterwards sent him to Oxford to compleat it. 
Here he entered into the order of St. Francis. From 
thence he went to Paris: where he distinguished 
himself so much by his learning and exemplary life, 
that he was appointed canon in the cathedral of 
Lyons. In this place he set himself to acquire the 

t 2 knowledge 



276 



knowledge of the civil and canon-law. From Lyons 
he went to Rome ; where, on account of his talents 
and learning, he was soon promoted to the tribunal 
of one of the papal courts ; and was held in so great 
estimation with the Roman pontiff, that he set aside 
the election of Robert Burnel, bishop of Bath and 
Wells, to the primacy of Canterbury, in order to 
elevate Peckham to that dignity; which elevation 
took place a. d. 1278. — Deeply tinctured with the 
intolerance and cruel prejudices of the times, in 
1282 he caused all the synagogues in the diocese 
of London to be demolished : and about the same 
time undertook a journey into Wales, in order, by 
his spiritual authority, to repress a rebellion (as it 
was called) of the Welch, who under the banners of 
their brave prince Llewellyn, endeavoured to re-assert 
the independence of their oppressed country. — He 
had a manor and mansion in his native county, at 
Slindon, and a house at Terrible-down, in the parish 
ofFramfield, the ruins of which are still remaining* 
Many of his relations he raised from indigence to 

opulence ; 

* See Hist, of Lewes, p. 172— 17S. 



277 

opulence ; by what means it is not said : not by his 
interest at court, it is probable, for he was no 
fa\ourite with the king, (Edward I.) At his death, 
a. d. 1294, he is said to have left behind him more 
than five thousand pounds : a great sum, equal nearly 
to an hiuidred thousand pounds of the present 
dav. 



CHAPTER 



278 



CHAPTER XVIIL 



THE STATE OF CHICHESTER BEFORE THE REIGN OF HENRY VII 

—THE KING A FRIEND TO COMMERCE AND NAVIGATION 

SHILLINGS COINED IN HIS REIGN. THE NUMBER OF THE 

PEERS FEW IN ENGLAND AND THE REASON OF THE 

RETAINERS OF THE NOBILITY THEIR DEPRESSION 

GRADUAL EXTINCTION OF SLAVERY REFORMATION OF 

RELIGION— PERSECUTION OF THE LOLLARDS BISHOPS OF 

CHICHESTER AT THE REFORMATION OF THE RELIGIOUS 

HOUSES IN ENGLAND VALUATION OF THEM rAND 

DISSOLUTION. 



If we form an estimate of the population, commerce, 
and prosperity of the city of Chichester, from the 
state of the kingdom in general, in all those respects, 
before the accession of Henry VII. to the crown, 
we must conclude that they were in no flourishing 
condition. The cruel civil wars between the houses 
of York and Lancaster, had long harrassed the coun- 
try, greatly diminished the number of the people, 
thrown every thing into confusion, and prevented 

them 



2 79 

them from employing to their advantage, the re- 
sources which they enjoyed. The accession of Henry 
removed these obstructions, and, in time, gave room 
to the genius and industry of the inhabitants to ex- 
ert themselves. The king himself was a prince of 
a comprehensive understanding ; who, knowing that 
the prosperity of the people, and therefore the lustre 
of the crown, depended much on foreign trade, set 
himself, as soon as he was fixed on the throne, to 
promote and encourage it. With this view he formed 
commercial treaties with almost every nation in 
Europe ; in particular with France, and the different 
states of Italy* Before this time almost all the foreign 
trade of England had been carried on by foreigners, 
and in foreign ships, or bottoms. Knowing that 
this practice tended to prevent the increase of Eng- 
lish ships, and English sailors, Henry procured laws to 
be made, ordaining that (almost) all goods brought 
from beyond seas should be imported into England 
in ships belonging to the king, or some of his sub- 
jects. No prince in Europe at that time, understood 
the nature of commerce better than he, or was more 
disposed to encourage and pationise it: I know it 
is generally believed that it was through his diffidence 

t 4 and 



28o 

and avarice that England lost the honour of making 
the first discovery of the new world : but this is a 
mistake, and a mistake very injurious to his memory. 

In the year 1485, Christopher Columbus sent 
his. brother Bartholomew to the court of England to 
solicit the patronage and assistance of Henry in his 
meditated discoveries. In his voyage hither, Bartho- 
lomew was taken by pirates, who stripped him of 
every thing, and detained him nearly four years. In 
1489, he arrived in England, almost naked, without 
credentials^ without money, and without friends : 
and it was a considerable time hefore he could pro- 
cure an audience with the king; which when he 
obtained, Henry listened to his narrative and pro- 
posals with fixt attention ; and after mature delibera- 
tion, agreed to grant Columbus the assistance he 
required, on the proferred conditions; and sent 
Bartholomew back to his brother, with an invitation 
from him to come into England. But Columbus 
had sailed on his second voyage before Bartholomew 
arrived in Spain* In the year 1497, the islands of 
Newfoundland and saint John were discovered by 
John Cabot, a Venetian, (the father of Sebastian 

Cabot} 

• See Churchill's Voyage, Vol. II. p. 557—MS. 



28l 



Cabot) who was fitted out by Henry for making 
discoveries, in conjunction with some merchants of 
Bristol, Plymouth and Chichester. 

In this king's reign, a. d. 1504, shillings were 
first coined in England, weighing 144 grains.* They 
are said to have been a beautiful coin : but are now 
to be found only in the cabinets of the curious. The 
hire of a day labourer at this time, was only three 
pence : which would purchase as much of the neces- 
saries of life as three or four shillings at the present 
time. Henry at his death left in his treasury, or 
private property, the sum of five millions three 
hundred thousand pounds, as is attested by lord 
chief-justice Coke, besides plate and Jewels. A pro- 
digious sum for that time ! — As Henry VII. may be 
said to have been the founder of the foreign trade 
of England ; so his son, Henry VIII. was of its navy. 
At whose demise it consisted of fifty-three ships of 
war ; and several of them of great magnitude. One 
the Henry) was of a thousand tons burden. 

By the wars between the houses of York and 
Lancaster, the number of the nobility was so much 
reduced, that when Henry of Richmond forced his 

way 
• The 37 f part of the money pound. 



282 

way to the throne, only twenty-eight temporal peers 
were summoned to his first parliament i* and in his 
and the succeeding reign, very few were raised to 
the peerage : the policy of both the Henries, and 
of Elizabeth, disposing them to favour and promote 
the power and importance of corporations, in order 
to counterpoise the influence of the nobility in the 
state; and shelter the crown from danger in that 
quarter, the only quarter where danger was ap- 
prehended. Letters and charters of incorporation 
were granted to several places: and not a few 
boroughs, which had not before enjoyed that pri- 
vilege, were summoned to send representatives to 
the commons house of parliament, and every method 
adopted that the policy of the court could devise to 
depress the power of the aristocracy : a power on 
which, in less than two centuries, the crown in vain 
wished to lean for support and defence, from the 
danger in which the system of despotism, which 
these autocrats had established in the kingdom, and 
transmitted to their succestors, had involved it. So 
limited is the foresight of the deepest human sagacity! 
In the mean time, the system adopted by the kings 

of 
* See Dugdale's Summons to Parliament, 



283 

of England, for several centuries, of depressing the 
nobility, was favourable in its consequences to the 
cities and towns in general ; and to Chichester not 
less than to others. Laws had been made, and were 
now rigourously executed, against the great keeping 
a number of retainers, which hitherto they had been 
accustomed to do ; who depended solely upon them, 
and under the shelter of their name and protection, 
were guilty of the greatest enormities and sanguinary 
atrocities. — The suppression of this formidable de- 
scription of men, (little better than freebooters) 
was of eminent advantage to the country. Delivered 
from the dread and depredations of these, the hus- 
bandman pursued his peaceful labours, the swain 
reared and fed his cattle, the mechanic was secured 
from alarm, and the tradesman and dealer from ruin 
and assassination. — Though no law was ever made in 
England, I believe, for the abolition of slavery here; 
yet as religion and humanity gained ground, and 
prevailed among men, in the same proportion slavery 
declined, WicklifT, and his followers, inveighed 
against the practice of it with equal warmth and suc- 
cess. It soon became a prevailing opinion among 
the people, M that slavery was inconsistent with 

" Chritianity, 



284 

" Christianity, offensive to God, and injurious to 
« men."* 

Every reader knows by what means the refor- 
mation of religion in England was effected : that it 
began in a separation from the church of Rome, on 
a political and not a religious account. This separa- 
tion took place a. d. 1534, and was effected by those 
who were zealously attached to the Romish religion, 
and the greatest enemies to reformation. During: 
the whole reign of Henry VIII. the persecution of 
Lollards, and burning of heretics, (as they were 
called) continued with unabating cruelty ; for Henry 
was a bigotted papist, and inflexibly attached to the 
Romish superstition to the last hour of his life ; dis- 
senting from it in no one article, except the claim 
of the Roman pontiff to the supremacy over the 
-church of England; which supremacy he tho.ught 

belonged to himself as king of England. 

About 

* Henry VIII. a man cif great pomp and ostentation, gave 
a release or manumission to two of his 'slaves, a. d. 1514, for 
which he assigned this reason in the preamble — " That God had 
" at first created all men equally free by nature, but many had 
44 been reduced to slavery by the laws of men. We believe it 
*' therefore to be a pious act, and meritorious in the sight of God, 
" to set certain of our slaves at liberty from their bondage/' 
•See Rym. torn. 13, p. 470. 



28/5 



About this time Robert Shurborne (orSherborn) 
resigned the see of Chichester ; but whether he did 
so in consequence of his great age, (ninety-four) 
or of the new oath of supremacy, I cannot deter- 
mine. To the declaration, published a. d. J-534, 
" that the bishop of Rome had no more authority in 
" England, by the word of God, than any other 
ft foreign bishop/* all the English prelates and clergy 
were ordered to subscribe, and to take an oath to 
adhere to the same opinion. With great reluctance 
the clergy complied with this regulation : and it is 
most probable that bishop Shurborne resigned on 
that account. He died two years after, a. d. 1536, 
aged ninety-six, and was buried in his own cathedral. 
He was succeeded in the see by Richard Sampson, 
l. l. d. in the year 1536 : who was translated in 1542 
to that of Litchfield and Coventry. In 1543 George 
Day, s. t. p. was elected ; a man of moderate prin- 
ciples. In the year following he joined arch-bishop 
Cranmer and Nicholas Heath, bishop of Worcester, 
in presenting a petition to the king, to permit the 
prayers of the church to be offered in their native 
tongue ; to abolish some superstitious ceremonies, 
such as watching and ringing at night on the vigil 

of 



286 

of Allhallows, the covering with veils the images in 
churches and the cross in time of Lent, the kneeling 
or creeping to the cross on Palm-sunday or any other 
time, and some other superstitious ceremonies. The 
injunction from the king to abolish these, was ob- 
tained by the above-mentioned prelates ; and the 
execution of the mandate committed to the arch- 
bishop. The bishop of Chichester was favourable to 
the reformation of religion to a certain degree ; a 
friend to toleration ; but firmly attached to the see 
of Rome; from whose communion he would not 
separate. With the new doctrines (as they were 
called) he complied in some particulars; biit in 
others, adhered stedfastly, and no doubt conscien- 
tiously, to the old : for which reason, in the reign 
of Edward VI. in the year 1551, on the fall of the 
duke of Somerset from the protectorship, and the 
rise of the earl of Warwick, (duke of Northumber- 
land) he was deprived, together with Gardiner, bishop 
of Winchester, Heath of Worcester, and Voysey, alias 
Harmen of Exeter. On the accession of Mary, they 
were all restored in 1553. In 1556, the bishop of 
Chichester died; and was succeeded the year follow- 
ing by John Christopherson, in the fourth or fifth 

vear 



287 

year of Philip and Mary, who was deprived in the 
first year of queen Elizabeth's reign, and died soon 
after, and was buried in Christ's church in London ; 
according to Le Neve, from whose Fasti I have ex- 
tracted these particulars. — William Barlow bishop 
of Bath and Wells, was translated to tnis see, in 
December, 1559, where he sat right or nine years; 
and dying in 1568, was buried in the cathedral. This 
prelate may with propriety be called the first pro- 
tectant bishop who filled the episcopal see of Chi- 
chester, who renounced all the errors and supersti- 
tions of the Romish church. 

In a parliament holden at Westminster, a. d. 
1539, the king (Henry VIII.) obtained possession 
of all the lands, rents, buildings, jewels, furniture, 
money, goods, &c. which belonged to six hundred 
and forty-five monasteries, ninety colleges of priests, 
an hundred and ten hospitals, two thousand three 
hundred and seventy-four chantries and free chapels. 
The yearly rents of the land of all these, according 
to their inventories (Stat. 3 J, Hen. VIII.) amounted 
to one hundred and sixty-one thousand, and one 
hundred pounds ; but was not the half, probably n^t 
the third, of their yearly value: for the owners "ere 

accustomed 



288 



accustomed to let them at very low rents ; and to 
levy heavy -payments on the renewal of the leases. 
The value of the monies, jewels, &c. belonging to 
these religious houses was immense : sufficient, if the 
king's policy had been equal to his rapacity, to have 
rendered the crown independent on the country. — 
Besides these already mentioned, there still remained 
in the kingdom, a number of colleges, chapels, hos- 
pitals, and other fraternities of secular priests, en- 
dowed with lands, rents, stipends, &c. for saying 
a number of masses for the souls of their founders 
and families. — All these were dissolved by parliament 
a. d. 1545, and given to the king, with all the pro- 
perty, of every denomination, belonging to them. 



CHAPTER 



289 



CHAPTER XIX. 

RITUAL OFTHECIIUr.CH. OF JOHN WICKLIFF ERASMUS. 

INTRODUCTION OF THE GREEK LANGUAGE. BURNING OF 

REPUTED HERETICKS IN SUSSEX. OF THE FIRST COMPANY 

OF ENGLISH MERCHANTS.— -AGRICULTURE AT THIS PERIOD 

AND ARCHITECTURE. FIRST PAVING OF THE STREETS 

OF CHICHESTER. ACT FOR ERINGING THE HAVEN TO THE 

CITY. EXTRACT FROM MR. CLARKE 's MS. ORIGIN AND 

RISE OF THE PURITANS IN ENGLAND. 



W E read the history of the parliaments of this 
reign, with equal astonishment and abhorrence. — 
Henry ruled with a rod of iron : he did not bribe 
the representatives of his subjects to prostitute their 
characters, and betray their constituents, and the 
country; but drove them 6y the terror of his name* 

u The 

# The government of both the Henries (seventh and eighth) 
particularly the last, was exceedingly sanguinary. Holingshcd 
(p. 186.) informs us, that not less than seventy thousand persons 
were put to death as criminals. This account may be exaggerated; 
bnt the number was very great. Naturally savage, and meeting 

no 



290 

The philanthropist will heave a sigh for the sufferings 
of the people, while history shows that their con- 
stitutional guardians have deserted their defence at 
the frown of a tyrant, at one period ; and at other 
times, no less unpropitious, sacrificed their interests 
to considerations equally dishonourable ! 

In the beginning of the reign of Edward VI. 
the ritual of the church of England was established : 
the same, with very little variation, as has been used 
ever since : and in the fifth or sixth year of the same 
reign, an act of parliament was passed for the uni- 
formity of the public prayers of the church ; w T hicb 
act was ratified by the same authority in the first 
year of the reign of queen Elizabeth. 

I have not found that the Reformation pro- 
duced any effects in Chichester, or in the county, 

but 

no restraint, he trampled on the lives of the people, afnd the laws 
of the land. His parliament absolved hfrm from patying his debts* 
for which he had given security under the great seal ; and even 
obliged those who had been paid to refund the money they had 
leceived. Unhappily the nation was divided into two parties : 
those who were for the pope, and those who favoured the refor- 
mation. Each vied with the other who should flatter him most, 
and gratify his exorbitant will ; for fear of his joining the opposite 
party. This was the reason of the taraeness of the parliament 
and. of the people. 



291 

but such as were common to the nation in general. 
I observed before that it originated from a political, 
and not from a religious cause. The separation from 
the tvranny of the see of Rome, is attributable to 
Henry VIII. but the reformation in religion to John 
Wickliff and his followers. In the year 1497, the 
great Erasmus of Rotterdam,* came into England, 
and went to Oxford, with a design to introduce and 
teach the Greek language there; but finding no 
encouragement, returned to the continent. In the 
succeeding reign, he was induced to return to Eng- 
land by lord Mountjoy, who introduced him to 
the notice and patronage of cardinal Wolsey : and 
in a few years after, both Henry and the cardinal 
joined their names to the patronisers of the Greek 
language. About this time lived sir Thomas Moore, 
William Grocyn, doctor Linacre, George Buchanan, 
William Lilly, and dean Collet.f They were nearly 

u 2 cotemporaries, 

* Of Erasmus it was said by the Romanists, that he laid the 
qgg of heresy, and Luther hatched it. 

f William Grocyn wa£ a native of Bristol; one of the first 
restorers of learning in Britain, particularly Greek, which he 
studied in Italy, under Demetrius Chalcondylas, one of those 
learned men who fled from Constantinople when it was taken by 

the Turks, a. d. 1453. William Lilly, nat. U66, went on a 

pilgrimage to Jerusalem, which he accomplished. Resided five 

years 



292 

totemporaries, and heartily co-operated in the great 
work they each had in view, the revival and promo- 
tion of learning. Not more illustrious for their eru- 
dition, than for the purity of their morals, they 
were no doubt raised up by Providence to pave the 
way for the Reformation. As real learning prevailed, 
that of the school-men declined, and at last sunk into 
deserved contempt. When cardinal Wolsey visited 
Oxford in 1518, he founded no less than seven lec- 
tures there, viz. for theology, civil-law, philosophy, 
physic, mathematics, Greek, and rhetoric. 

If Hollingshed's account be true, that seventy 
thousand persons in England were executed in the 
reign of that monster Henry VIII. it is probable that 
many of that number were of this county, and several 
of the city of Chichester ; but I have not found the 
names of any of them on record, except two, who 
are mentioned by bishop Burnet, Featherson and 
PQwell; who, in 1540, were condemned without 

being- 
years at Rhodes. On his return to England was appointed, by 
dean Collet, first master of saint Paul's school. He composed a 
grammar for the use of the school, in which he was assisted by 
"Erasmus, doctor Collet, and Thomas Robinson, three of the best 
ftnguists in Europe. The preface was written by cardinal Wolsey, 
He died of the plague, a. d. 1523, 



293 

being heard, and executed at the same time, for 
denying the king's supremacy ; a charge for which 
many suffered in that reign. Of those, who then, 
suffered for religion in these parts, and were burned 
at the stake, as reputed heretics, I shall give the 
most accurate account I can find in another place. 
That many are deficient there can be no doubt : re-. 
gistered in heaven, their names are perished from the 
records of men * Queen Mary reigned five years 
and four months. Bishop Grindal states, that the 
number burned in her reign for heresy, was eight 
hundred. Of whom Burnet mentions fourteen men 
(one of them a clergymen) and three women, who 
were burned at one time in Chichester : and on his 
authority (which is respectable) I must leave it. — 
All these \f ere condemned by bishop Bonner ; and 
John Christopherson, bishop of Chichester; a de- 
scendant of the former of whom, about fifteen or 
sixteen years ago, lived in Chichester, a coach-maker; 
but did not continue there many years. 

The most antient company of English merchants,, 
of which there is any trace in history, was incorpo- 

u 3 rated 

* Not having Fox's Martyrology, I cannot say whether 
there be any such recorded there* 



294 

rated by charter, by Henry IV. in the sixth or seventh 
year of his reign, a. d. 1406. They were called the 
brotherhood of saint Thomas Becket. Their charter 
was granted to them for the expresi purpose of ex- 
porting the English woollen cloth, which then began 
to be manufactured in considerable quantity in Eng- 
land: and as that flourished the trade of the brother- 
hood increased with it. As this society was, by the 
conditions of the charter, composed of native sub- 
jects of England and Ireland, it was favoured both 
by the government and the people, made gradual 
incroachments on the trade of the merchants of the 
Staple; and at length, in the time of Henry VIII. 
ruined the company, and brought it to a final 
dissolution.* 

The state of agriculture at this time, may be 
ascertained with sufficient precision from the average 
produce of an acre of wheat. Holingshed estimates 
that to be ( in the vale of Gloucester) from sixteen 
to twenty bushels an acre, of one hundred and sixty 
rods. A very scanty produce ! At present, from the 
best information I can collect, the produce of a seed 
acre in Sussex, Cone hundred and seven rods) is 

from 

f Anderson, Vol. I. p. 233, &c. 



295 

from twenty-five to twenty-seven bushels, equal to 
thirty-seven to forty bushels per acre, of one hundred 
and sixty rods. — It is observable that, by the antient 
English writers on this subject, the dearths, which 
were so frequent in former times, are ascribed to 
bad seasons : and with some reason; for in a languid 
state of husbandry, every great change of weather 
must greatly affect the crop, and produce a detici- 
ency. But this was not the sole cause : war ever 
did, and always will raise the price of grain, and 
provisions of every denomination. 

The architecture of the time" began to degene- 
rate, even in Henry the seventh s time. There is a 
certain degree of perfection in art, beyond which 
human genius cannot reach — and at which it is ther*e* 
fore to be lamented man does not stop : the simpli- 
city of Saxon architecture, the real Gothic, was sup- 
planted by the ornamental Gothic; in which, in its 
progress, the magnificence of the art is lost, and, as 
jt were, buried under a profusion of decoration. A 
style censurable as too ornamental, and departing 
from the sublime grandeur of the true Gothic, with' 
out attaining, what it seems to aim at, a greater de- 
gree of elegance. In viewing the superb chapel of 

u 4 Henry 



296 

Henry VII. in Westminster, (the cost of which was 
then fourteen thousand pounds) the eye is bewildered 
amidst a profusion of decorations ; and the real artist 
finds himself disgusted with a specimen of Gothic 
architecture in its latest, and perhaps most degene- 
rate state. In the same style was Christ's church- 
college in Oxford — built by Henry VIII. — and so was 
likewise Cowdry-house at Midhurst, the mansion of 
the late lord viscount Montaeute, erected about the 
same time, and unhappily consumed by accidental 
fire, the 25th of September, 1793* The palace of 
Hampton-court, built by cardinal Wolsey, and pre- 
sented by him to the king, in some measure comes 
under the same description, but not to the same de- 
gree. The palace of saint James was originally a 
nunnery, and converted by the same (Henry) into 
a mansion for his own use. At this time the houses, 
or rather the huts of the peasantry, mechanics, &c. 
had received hardly any improvement for many ge- 
nerations ; 



* It is remarkable that on the last day of October in the 
same year, the melancholy accounts from Swi&serland were re- 
ceived in England, that, a few weeks before, lord viscount Mon- 
taeute and Mr. Burdett were unfortunately drowned atone of the 
falls of the Rhine. 



297 

nerations; and continued mean and sordid. The 
dwelling-houses of gentlemen were not in much 
more commendable condition : both the one and the 
other were fabricated of wood, and covered for the 
most part with divet or turf. The mansions of the 
great and opulent were built on a more extensive 
scale indeed, but the degree of elegance, or rather 
inelegance, nearly the same : for windows they had 
wooden chequered lattices,* the ground floors of 
clay, the higher floors of oak, and all covered with 
straw or rushes, which remained unremoved, often 
for many years, a foul receptacle of the refuse of 
the table, and all manner of nastiness : to which 
cause, Erasmus very justly attributes the frequent 
and destructive plagues in England. In cities and 
towns, the houses were built of the same materials, 
and thatched, projecting as they rose in height, and 
thereby intercepting the light and air from the street 
beneath ; so that in narrow streets or lanes, the 
upper parts of the opposite houses nearly met. In 

Chichester 

* In the houses of the principal nobility and great men, in 
the reign of Henry VIII. many of them had glass windows, and 
many had not — but all such as were built at that time and after- 
wards, were furnished wiih that elegant accommodation. 



2 9 8 

Chichester the streets were not paved till the eigh- 
teenth year of queen Elizabeth's reign, when a sta- 
tute was obtained by the corporation for that purpose. 
The preamble sets forth, that tc the streets of the 
" same citie have become very mierie, and full of 
<c watrie and durtie places, both lothsome and noy- 
(C some/' &c. and enacts that every landlord, terre- 
tenant, Sic. in the four principal streets, shall, at the 
assignment of the mayor, pave, or cause to be paved., 
that part of the street which is opposite to his house, 
land, &c. as far as the channel of the street : and in 
default or failure of so doing, to pay three shillings 
and four pence for every square yard unpaved ; 
and the half of that sum for omitting, or neglecting 
to keep the same in due repair; to be paid to the 
mayor and citizens, towards the maintenance of, and 
repairing the walls of the city. 

In the twenty-seventh year of the same reign, 
an act of parliament was passed for bringing the haven 
of the city, by a new cut channel, to the suburbs 
thereof,* and confirming the right and property, 

which 

* The preamble says— " Whereas the citie of Chichester, in 
" the 'countie of Sussex, is a verie antient citie, holden by the 
" major and citizens thereof, in fee-farm of the queen's majestic/' 
Sec. 



299 

which the mayor and citizens have in the said haven, 
water-course and stream thereof. The cut is ap- 
pointed to be made between Dell-quay and Fish- 
bourne. The mayor and citizens are directed to 
compound with the lords, owners, and occupiers of 
the ground : and if these shall refuse to accept of 
the compensation offered, then it shall be lawful for 
the lord chancellor of England at the suit and peti- 
tion of the mayor and citizens to appoint twelve 
commissioners to fix and determine the yearly rent 
or other compensation which they ( the mayor and 
citizens) shall pay to the said owners, &c. And it 
is provided and ordained that no part of the act shall 
extend or give any power to them (the mayor, &c.) 
to take any of the lands, tenements, &c. of the right 
honourable Charles lord Howard, baron of Effingham, 
of or in the manor of Appledram, without his 
special assent and agreement first had and obtained."* 
About the year 1620, king James I. issued a 
commission for making a considerable number of 
knights ; and at the same time renewed the charters 
of many corporations; among which Chichester was 
included, in order to raise money to enable him to 

v. s s ~>tt 

• This act was made a. d. 1585, and in the year 1 
was created lord high admiral pf England, 



3co 

assist his son-in-law, Frederic, elector-palatine and 
king of Bohemia ; who, after the battle of Prague, 
was reduced to great distress; and being at the head 
of the protestant interest in Germany, looked to 
England for support. An account of the principal 
heads of this charter I find among the notes of Mr, 
Clarke — the first part of which is as follows : 

" Charters of the city of Chichester granted 
ec by king James L the fourteenth year of his reign, 
" i.e. a. d. 1617, mention the earl of Arundel as the 
" high steward ; but say nothing of his being of the 
*' corporation ; or how* constituted. The mayor and 
" bailiff elected formerly by all the inhabitants of the 
06 city ;" — this appears by this charter : — sc a mayor, 
• c a bailing a portreve, a customer — all such as have 
" born these offices, of the common-council, have 
si . a power to make bye-laws, to raise money pay* 

* able to the king. The Monday before Michaelmas 
" to assemble in the guildhall, or elsewhere, to elect 
" a mayor, a bailiff, by the common-council ; as fixt 
" by this charter, i. e. the old method of election 
" altered. — A recorder, in legibus Angliae eruditum, 
£C to be chosen by the common-council — and so a 
IS town-clerk. The mayor to choose the portreve 

* and customer/' &c, The 



301 

The high-steward mentioned above was Thomas 
Howard, earl of Arundel and Surry, and grand-son 
of Thomas, duke of Norfolk, who was beheaded in 
the reign of queen Elizabeth. He (the earl) mar- 
ried Alathea, daughter of Gilbert, earl of Shrewsbury, 
with whom he received a vast fortune ; and the ex- 
tensive manor of Worksop, in Nottinghamshire.— 
The name of this great prince will ever be dear to 
the friends of learning, on account of his making, at 
a prodigious expence, the collection known by the 
name of the Arundel Marbles, afterwards presented 
by his grandson Henry, duke of Norfolk, to the 
university of Oxford; in the theatre of which thcv 
now remain, lasting monuments to future ages ol 
his fame. They are anticnt stones, from one of 
which, according to dean Prideaux's account, (who 
published an account of their inscriptions in 1676) 
it appears that the first colony from Egypt arrived 
in Greece 1.012 years before the birth of Christ. 
Some others of them are particularly interesting in 
having the history of Athens inscribed on them, in 
the island of Paros, 360 years before the Christian 
asra. The geography of Greece is to be found only 
in itself, but the best monuments of its history, by 

the 



Q02 

the unwearied research, and munificent spirit of this 
great man, are to be found in England. To the 
seacher into antient history these marbles are of in- 
estimable value ; as the beams of light which they 
throw on the history of their own age, may be di- 
verted to illuminate ages long before ; and pierce 
even to the origin of time. 

His lordship's collection of paintings, sculpture, 
carvings, and every thing that tends to promote 
learning, and embellish life, was not less magnificent, 
various, and intrinsically valuable. For an e f- Ecce 
Homo/' from the pencil of Titian, he is said to have 
offered seven thousand pounds: which was refused. 
In the course of nine months he laid out seventy 
thousand pounds, in purchasing the most valuable 
antiquities. Of Hans Holbein's paintings he had 
more than all the world besides — and was the first 
person of quality, and knowledge in the fine arts in 
this nation, that set a just value on the works of that 
great master. He was besides the friend and patron 
of many others, whose names do honour to their 
country : Seldon, Camden, sir Henry Spelman, sir 
Robert Cotton, ?j\d others. 

The 



303 

The popish religion, the only religion tolerated 
ui England for many centuries, consisted almost en- 
tirely of external observances. The Reformation, 
which took place in the reigns of Edward VI. and 
Elizabeth, opened a new scene;, and inculcated 
duties on the people which they had never heard of 
before, the Christian virtues of temperance, meek- 
ness, and universal benevolence. Instead of resting 
the saltation of the souls of men on the merits and 
intercession of the saints, on papal absolution, &c. 
it required purity of heart, as an indispensible mean 
of future happiness.— It is the nature of man, espe- 
cially of man but half enlightened, to pass quickly 
from one extreme to its opposite. Very early in the 
reign of Elizabeth, a description of people made its 
appearance in England, pretending to an extraordi- 
nary degree of sanctity, called Puritans. This sect 
increased so fast, and their number w r a$ so great in 
the house of commons, so early as the year 1585, 
that they thought themselves able to carry a motion 
for a further reformation of religion. In this they 
were disappointed ; but they obtained a conference, 
which was held at Lambeth, before arch-bishop 
Whitgift; at which the earl of Leicester, and the 

privy- 



3°4 

privy-council attended. Under the strong coercive 
government of Elizabeth, they were kept in due 
subordination ; and every attempt which they made 
to procure a reformation, either in church or state, 
was quashed. It is a fact, I believe not generally 
known, that in this reign, a few persons were put 
to death for non-conformity ; of whom some were 
burnt at the stake: and a considerable number thrown 
into gaol for the same crime. But as persecution is 
not the most effectual way of suppressing opinions, 
either true or false, before the end of this reign 
almost every town in England was filled with dissen- 
ters; who, in the succeeding reign, thwarted the 
king in many of his most darling schemes, stripped 
the crown of its most dangerous prerogatives, and 
in the next laid it in the dust. 



CHAPTER 



305 



CHAPTER XX. 

A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE RELIGIOUS HOUSES IN THE CITY OF 
CHICHESTER, AND THE COUNTY OF SUSSEX, BEFORE THEIB- 
SUPPRESSION BY HENRY VIII. KING OF ENGLAND. 



1 HE first monastery that was founded in Sussex 
was at Selsea — the charter of which was given by 
Adelwalch, king of Sussex, to Wilfrid, who subscribed 
the deed in the name of Wilfridus, archiepiscopus, 
( viz. Ebor. ) This charter is dated the 3d of August, 
a, d. 683 — and includes in it the whole peninsula of 
Selsea, and a considerable part of the Manewode. 
The extent and bounds of the grant are thus ex- 
pressed in the Latin of that time — <c ab introitu por- 
" tus qui appellatur Anglice Wydcringg post retrac- 
(C turn mare in Cumcnchore, sic Versus occidentalem 
" plagam juxta mare usque Rombrug, in ante juxta 
" littus maris usque Chcvc^stone, inde in ante juxta 
" littus usque hercmuth, et inde versus Septentrion- 
<- alem plagam, in longum fluvii usque Wyalesflet 

v " usque 



3o6 

h usque Brunesdyke : exit inde versus Orientem in 
* longum praedicti fossati in Woflet ; in versus 
< ( Orientem in logum Fluvii, and sic versus Austra- 
ft lem plagam usque Wyderingg." (Undering.) — 
The monastery was soon after endowed, to a very 
considerable amount, with lands, tenements, and other 
property, in various parts ; Highley* Earnly, Lidsev, 
Aldingborn, Eastergate, Mundham, and Siddlesham. 
It was dedicated to saint Peter, and erected on the 
south-east side, and adjoining to the spot where the 
parish-church now stands. As wood was then, and 
for several centuries after, the principal article used 
in building, we may therefore conclude that this 
monastery, including the houses of the monks, 
offices, &c. was constructed of that material. Of 
that they had the greatest abundance, and they used 
it accordingly : their buildings were heavy, strong, 
and substantial; and calculated more for conve- 
nience and durability than for show. Though we 
have no accounts from tradition of the Danes having 
landed here, and plundered the place, (except the 
time when they made a descent, and remained in 
Pagham-harbour, close adjoining) yet as the religi- 
ous houses were the plates where they expected and 

found 



found the richest booty, and as this monastery was 
on the very brink of the main ocean, it is not too 
much to say that it can hardly be supposed to have 
escaped unhurt. There is a tradition that there was 
a nunnery at Bosham in the time of the Saxons — but 
as the Conqueror, and all the Normans, did all that 
lay in their power to root out the very memory of 
everv thing that pertained to that people, we need 
not wonder that in many instances they should 
ceed. At the same place some of the Saxon or 
Danish kings, (probably the Litter) had a castle of 
residence; part of the ruins of which, and of thQ 
moat, may be traced to this day, not far from the 
church. It is said, a daughter o( Canute the Great 
was buried in that church ; and if so, it is most likely 
that that prince built the said castle. However that 
be, it is agreed that Harold, son of earl Godwin, 
(afterwards Harold II.) resided here, and that it 
from thence, that he went a. d. 1056, to the court 
of William, duke of Normandy, to procure the re- 
lease of his brother Unloth, and his nephew Ilacin:, 
where he was himself detained, contrary to the laws 
of hospitality : and obliged, in order to obtain his 

x 2 release, 



3 o8 

release^ to give the Norman a formal resignation 
of his pretensions to the crown of England. 

It is not unreasonable to suppose that before 
the Conquest there was a monastery in Chichester, 
on the spot where the cathedral now stands ; though 
there be no record thereof, and but a very faint 
tradition. It is well known that in most towns, and 
populous places in England, there were such institu- 
tions at that time. 

At Boxgrove there was a priory, dedicated to 
the virgin Mary, for monks of the Benedictine 
order, founded in the reign of Henry I. about the 
year 1117, by Robert de Haye. It received many 
valuable endowments from the earls of Arundel, 
from the family of Saint John, one of whom married 
Cicily, daughter of the said Robert, and from many 
others, ( as appears from the confirmation of Hilary, 
bishop of Chichester, a. d. 1149) of grants in Box- 
gro\e, Halnaker, Houghton, Walberten, Barnham, 
Hunston, Birdham, Keinor, Ichenor, &c. The yearly 
rent of all which, according to the account of the 
commissioners under Henry the eighth, amounted 
to 145/. 10$. 2d. No small sum, in those days, no 
doubt; notwithstanding which, it is certain that the 

accounts 



309 

accounts they gave in were greatly under the truth ; 
perhaps in many instances they embraced only the 
quit-rents, and omitted the contingences arising 
from fines on the renewal of leases. In the same 
list Arundel-college is valued at 168/. 0s.7d. — Domus 
Elemosinarum Sanct. Trinit. Arundel, at 42/. 3s. Sd. 
The hospital of saint James in Chichester, for lepers, 
at 4/. 3s. 9d. The hospital of the blessed Mary there, 
at 11/. lis. 6d* At Tortington there was a priory, 

x 3 for 

* The hospital of the blessed Mary in Chichester, in saint 
Martin's square, was originally a nunnery, founded by William, 
the fifth dean of Chichester, a. d. 117 3 or 117-* : at what time, 
or on what occasion it was converted into an hospital for indigent 
ns, I can form no conjecture. There is no doubt but the 
affairs of the nunnery, and afterwards of the hospital, were under 
the guardianship and in the management of the dean and chapter. 
At present it contains six poor women, and two poor men ; of 
whom five have a stipend or allowance of two shillings a week, a 
cord and a half of wood, and half a hundred of faggots each per 
annum, and a certain quota' of the fines as they fall ; the other 
three have only house room, and a-share of the rent of the e 
belonging to the hospital. At what time this regulation was made 
cannot be ascertained ; but it is supposed to have been many years 
ago. There is a vetV neat chapel belonging to the hospital, where 
the morning and evening service of the church is read every day 
in the week, sunday excepted. Before the year 1/70, only the 
morning service was read, Sundays and holidays excepted. In the 
beginning Of that year, died Mr. George Sedgwick, who by his 

will, 



3io 

for monks of the order of saint Augustine, of the 
yearly value, according to the same catalogue, of 
75/. 12s. $d.-~ but when, or by whom founded, I 
find no account: nor of the hospital of Bidlington, 
which is put down at I// per annum. The abbey of 
Durford is put down in the Monasticon, among the 
religious houses in this county — Henry Hussey, gen- 
tleman, and Henry Guildford, gentleman, the prin- 
cipal benefactors — it stands for 98/. is. 5d. and was 
of the Benedictine order : as was also the priory of 
Ruspur, stated at 39/. 13s. 7d. yearly value. Of the 
priory of Easebourne no account is to be found in 

the 

will, dated the 30th of December, If 67, left. 4001. to the dean 
and chapter in trust: whereof 1001. towards the education of the 
poor girls of the city, and 3001. the interest, of which, in the four 
per cents, to be applied to pay ten guineas a year to a clergyman, 
for reading the evening prayers of the church in the hospital, witk 
the same exception of Sundays and holidays, and the remaining 
thirty shillings for ringing the bell. Hitherto no provision was 
made for duty to be done there on the holidays throughout the 
year : to remedy which; and to increase the salary of the chaplain, 
and raise it in some degree to an adequate consideration for his 
trouble, Mrs. Ann Painblanc, who had frequented the chapel many 
years, and died the Kith day of March, 1733, gave to the said 
dean and chapter in trust, 5001. the interest of which, in her will, 
she requested migh be applied to answer the fore-men tjoncd pur- 
poses, 



3" 

the Monasticon, of the date of its foundation : from 
Leland it appears that it was founded by John Bone, 
and endowed by David Owen, gentleman, for Bene- 
dictine monks, and rated in the list at 29/. 16s. Id, 
The college of South-Mailing, near Lewes, at 45/. 
12s. bd. The abbey of Robertsbridge was built and 
endowed by Robert de Saint Martin, in the reign of 
Henry II. a. d. 1176, for monks of the Cistertian 
order — it stands in the account before-mentioned, 
at 248/. 10s. Gd. — and the priory of Michelham at 
160/. 12s. 6d. which was founded by Gilbert de 
Aquila, with the assent and consent of Henry III. 
king of England, about the year 1240, for monks 
of the order of saint Augustine. The priory of 
Hastings was founded by Waiter Bricet, at what time 
I find not ; but believe it to have been soon after 
the Conquest, iC postea usque Warbilton, ratione 
fliictiuim maris translatum:" ( afterwards removed to 
Warbleton, on account of the incursions of the sea ) 
it is rated at 51/. 9s. bd. 

But all these were greatly eclipsed in splen- 
dour and richness of endowment, by the two famous 
abbeys of Battle and Lewes: the former built and 
endowed by the Conqueror, inscribed to St. Martin, 

x 4 for 



3 1 * 

for Benedictine monks; and the other- by William 
de Warrene, earl of Surry, in the time of William 
Rufus, the Conqueror's son and successor, dedicated 
to saint Pancrass, for Clunian monks- — the yearly 
revenues of the royal abbey were stated in the list 
to be 880/. lis. 7<f.— those of the earl's, 920/. 4s. 6d. 
—In the Monasticon there are very full and long 
accounts of the many valuable estates wherewith each 
of these abbeys were endowed; and the patronages 
conferred upon them ; so that though the account 
of their rentals delivered to Henry in 1534 be high, 
there is no doubt but it was considerably under the 
truth in both cases. Lewes abbey was at first alien, 
till Edward JIL in the twenty-fifth year of his reign, 
changed their charter, and appointed that henceforth 
it should be an English abbey only ; for which in- 
dulgence the abbot and brothers gave to the crown 
tlie perpetual patronage of four churches, mentioned 
in the said charters. The altar of the church in 
Pattle, was erected on the spot where the dead body 
of Harold was founds 

It is remarkable that the Conqueror caused 
this abbey to be built " pro suis in bello occisis," 
(for the Normans that had fallen in the battle.) As 

49 



313 

to the sixty thousand English who perished in that 
unhappy scene of human slaughter, and the many 
thousands who were afterwards butchered in cold 
blood, the holy Ifrothers of Feschamp were not in- 
joined to chant any masses for their souls, or invoke 
the throne of .mercy to pardon their sins : they were 
Anglo-Saxons, and therefore in the estimation of 
William and his Normans, unworthy to be taken 
notice of by men of such consequence as they. 

Besides the above-mentioned religious semi- 
naries, there were several others of less note; some 
of which for the reason above-mentioned, I believe 
are not to be found In the Monasticon. 

The prioiy of Pinham* near Arundel, Was 
founded by Adeliza, the second queen of Henry I. 
who, after the death of Henry, married William de 
Albini, who possessed Arundel, and the castle there- 
of, in right of his wife, and endowed the said prioiy 
with several yaluable grants: — it was dedicated to 
saint Bartholomew, for monks of the Augustin order. 
( See Dug. Tom. II. p. 1 43. ) The priory of Eringham, 
near Shoreham, was founded by William Payne!, in 
the sixth year of Edward III. a. d. 1333, for Seculars; 
and endowed with his manor of Cokcham — thirty- 
two 



314 



two acres of land, in Lancing, with the appurtenan- 
ces, iC cum passagio ultra aquara de Nova Shoreham.' ■ 
(Ibid. p. 181.) — In the Monasticon there is a long 
account of <( Abbatia de Begeham, in agro Sussexi- 
ano"— (the abbey of Begeham, in the county of 
Sussex) — it was founded by Randolp de Dena, and 
dedicated to the blessed Mary and saint Lawrence, 
for monks of the order of (Pramonstratensis) fortune- 
tellers : at what particular time cannot be determined 
as the charters are without date. It appears how- 
ever that it was prior to, or in the reign of king John; 
as his letters of approbation and confirmation of all 
the endowments and grants, are annexed. It may 
be worth remarking here, that in almost all the grants 
made to religious houses, they were endowed not 
only with lands, houses, &c. but with the men and 
women appertaining thereto. In the charter of 
foundation of Begeham, Randolph the founder, en-^ 
dows it with " my men of Dudintune — scilicet. 
iC Gledwyne, fratrem Speg, cum quinque Solidatis 
" terra, (farms) Johannem Cnokedune, Gilbertum 
ff Carpentarium, (the carpenter) Wiliielmum Cnoke- 
fr dune, Hugonem, Thomas de Farnstrete, cum terra 
fl sua and Eebertiun Bunt and WIfi wiver, and 

<c bccredes 



3*5 

f( hoeredes suos, et h.ceredes fratris sui Grig, " — his 
children, and the children of his brother Grig, &c. 

In the Monasticon, in the catalogue of priories 
that were dissolved a. d. 1414, Hoo in agro Sussezi- 
ano, is inserted as one. In another part of the book 
( Tom. III. p. 199. par. II.) it appears that the eccle- 
siastical revenues of Hoo and Preston, of Compton, 
North-Mii ndhain, and Undering, with other dona- 
tions ^ere given by Henry VI. to the collegiate- 
church of Eton, near Windeshore ( Windsor.) 

In a parliament, holden at Leicester, in the 
second vear of the reign of Henry V. all the alien 
priories in England and Wales were dissolved, to the 
number of more than an hundred and thirty : six of 
which were in this county; viz. Arundel, Boxgrove, 
Horsford, (perhaps Horsted) Leominster, Sela and 
Wilmington. That they were not all immediately 
suppressed is evident from the catalogue of the re- 
ligious houses, that was delivered to Henry VIII. in 
which Boxgrove and Arundel are particularly men-t 
Tioned, with the yearly value of each. 

Though the discipline of these seminaries was 
greatly relaxed, and the morals of the religious in 
great measure, degenerated from their original in* 

stitution*, 



3i6 

stitutions, especially in the lesser monasteries, which 
were first suppressed ; we ought not to suppose that 
they were so corrupt and so vicious, as they were 
then, and have been since represented. It is hard 
to say whether avarice or prodigality predominated 
most in the breast of Henry. He had wasted the vast 
treasures left Jiim by his father ; so had he money to 
a very great amount, which he borrowed of several 
of his subjects, under the security of the great seal, 
but never paid— but was still needy, and some new 
expedient must be resorted to, to relieve his wants ; 
the monasteries seemed best adapted to answer that 
end: the immense property belonging to which, 
would satiate his wishes. We are therefore warranted 
in saying that it was rather the riches of the monas- 
teries, than, the corruption of the monks, that occa- 
[ sioned their ruin. Though neither the kings con- 
science nor his ideas, were scrupulously nice con- 
cerning right and wrong ; yet this act of aggression 
was too flagrant to be committed without a gloss — 
and shifting the blame and odium of it from himself, 
and laying them to the charge of the sufferers them- 
selves. They who consider the credulity of the peo~ 
■cle, and how easily they are imposed upon, will not 

be 



3^7 

be surprised that in the course of a very few years, 
bv the management of the courtiers, the public looked 
upon the monks in a very different light from what 
they had clone before. The mouth of every candi- 
date for promotion at court, was opened against 
them ; and no one dared to advocate their cause be- 
fore the tribunal of the public ; as the king's senti- 
ments were generally known. The wishes of the 
greatest part of the nobility, and monied men, coin- 
cided with those of the king on the subject; as they 
entertained hopes (which were not disappointed) 
of sharing indirectly with his highness in the rich 
spoils of these seminaries, &c. which the piety or 
superstition of their ancestors Had founded. 

After the public mind was duly prepared, the 
kimr, in order to induce the house of commons to 
accede to the measure, agreed that " if they would 
" give unto him all the abbayes, priories, frierit ■;, 
" nunneries, and other monasteries, that for ever in 
" time to come, he would take order that the same 
'* should not be converted to private use; but that 
" his exchequer should be enriched, in order to 
• strengthen the kingdom by a continual mairitain- 
ance of forty thousand well-trained soldiers, '• with 

-skilful 



3i8 , 

*• skillful officers and commanders ; and secondly, 
<c and chiefly for the benefit, ease, and exhoneration 
'* of the people,, who never in any time to come 
" should be charged with subsidies, fifteenths, leases, 
** or other common aides/' (taxes.)* 

In this universal wreck, when even Oxford and 
Cambridge trembled for their safety, it is matter of 
surprise that the hospital for poor people in Chi- 
chester, dedicated to the blessed Mary, escaped the 
general ruin. Perhaps its meanness in a pecuni- 
ary view contributed to its preservation. Perhaps 
it owed its exemption from sale to the intercession 
of the bishop of the dideese Dr. Day, with CromWell 
the secretary : and it may be, it owes its existence 
to the charity and liberality of some person who 
purchased its exemption from annihilation with mo- 
ney ; and the generous transaction now covered with 
oblivion. Several of the visitors petitioned the king 
that some of the houses might be spared on account 
of the virtue of the persons in them, and the benefit 
which the country derived from them. Bishop Lati- 
mer moved that two or three might be left in every 

county, 

* Djigd. JMoua>. Tom.. I. 1049* 



319 

county, u for pious uses." But Cromwell (by the 
king's permission) invaded all. 

After the fall of the western Roman empire, 
a. d. 476, the barbarians who had over-run, and taken 
possession of almost all Europe, had no relish for 
literature : war was their study, and letters their con- 
tempt. We need not then be surprised that such a 
state was followed by a long- uncomfortable night of 
mental darkness : a darkness so gross, that nothing 
but the mild beams of the Christian religion could 
penetrate the dreadful gloom, and even that by slow 
degrees. — Ages seemed to have rolled over mankind 
in vain; during this long hopeless night, learning- 
found a welcome sanctuary in these sacred edifices ; 
and though it must be owned that for many ages 
science din not receive great improvement, to them 
we owe, in great measure, that its light was not 
wholly extinguished : a benefit which deserved more 
consideration than they experienced at* last. The 
hospitality of these houses, in every period of their 
existence, was great and exemplary. In them many 
thousands of the younger children of the nobility 
and great families were educated, maintained, and 
orted according to their dignity; in them they 

resided 



320 

resided frequently from early youth to the day of 
their death. 

I do not suppose that the preceeding exhibits 
a Aill list of all the monasteries in. this diocese, that 
were built and founded during the time that the 
Romish religion prevailed here. The principal in- 
formation on this head, is taken from sir William 
Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicanum : from which T 
have collected with all the care, attention, and I will 
add caution, that I could. But the names of places 
have undergone so great changes since the time when 
these seminaries were established, that in several in- 
stances it is not easy to determine the exact place 
that is meant. Besides, sir William himself was an 
indefatigable investigator of antient history ; but in 
many instances, was obliged to depend upon the care, 
correctness, and* veracity of his friends and agents, 
in various parts of England. His agent in this county 
I think, has not always been sufficiently correct. 
Several of the charters of the religious houses are 
said to be granted by fi Numa Rex Suthsax," whereas 
it does not appear that there ever was a king of the 
South-Saxons of that name : indeed, it is evident 
from history, that there never was. The chronology 

of 



321 

of some of the charters is contradictory to that of 
others. In the copy of the Monasticon, belonging 
to the dean and chapter, (the use of which I had 
from the kindness of the librarian) there is written 
(Tom. III. p. 117.) apparently by the late learned 
Mr. Clarke, canon-residentiary — " It' is plain there 
" must be great mistakes in these charters, as tran- 
•' scribed and sent up to Mr. Dugdale." This being 
the case, when I doubted, I stopped my hand ; that 
I might not fall into an error. 

Tradition informs us, that beside the religious 
houses above-mentioned, there were in Chichester, 
two convents of friars, grey and white ; the former 
near the north-gate, and the latter near the east-^ate : 
the first retains the name of the Friary to this day : 
the other bears no memorial even in name of what it 
was. It is said to have occupied all that space from 
the east^ffate to Baffin's lane, as vou go towards the 
cross; and included all that is now in the occupation 
of Mrs. TuiTnel, and part of the premises belonging 
to Mrs. Bull. As I have no records to depend orj, 
nor certain authority of any kind relating to either 
of these seminaries, I shall not trouble the reader 
with a recital of unauthenticated details, which may 

Y be 



322 

be true or false. The order of Grey, or Franciscan 
friars, was instituted by saint Francis, a. d. 1209, 
and appeared first in England in the reign of Henry 
the third, A. d. 1224, and fostered by the bishop of 
Winchester, Peter de Rockes, or sir Peter de Rupibus, 
a Poictevan by birth, who at that time ruled the 
church of England, the king,, and in some measure, 
the kingdom ; as far as the opposition of the barons 
would permit. In the reign of Henry VII. they 
were divided into two parties ; the spirituals and the 
conventuals: which last had tifty-five houses at the 
time of the dissolution. — A second order of friars 
were called the White friars, or Carmelites. — A third 
order was that of the Black friars, or Dominicans : 
who made their first appearance in England about 
the year 1240. Of this order was saint Richard,, 
bishop of Chichester. They were warmly patronized 
by the Roman pontiffs : who used their services prin- 
cipally for the suppression of the Albigenses. — The 
other order of friars in England took on them the 
name and rules of saint Augustine, and appeared first 
in England a. d. 1256, under their general Lanfranc. 
The monks, called the Benedictine monks, had 
their institution from saint Benedict, born in Italy, 

about 



3^3 

about the year 4S0. Early in his life he retired to 
Sublaco, fourteen miles from Rome ; and shut him- 
self up in a cave, where no man knew any thing of 
him, except saint Roraanus, who used to descend to 
him by a rope. When he was found out many per- 
sons resorted to him, followed him, and put them- 
selves under his direction. In 528, he retired to 
mount Cassino, where idolatry then prevailed, and 
were there was a temple of Apollo ; which he de- 
molished, and built two chapels on the mount. Here 
he founded a monastery, and instituted the order 
that bears his name : and here too he Composed his 
Regula Monachorum. The time of his death is un- 
certain ; between the years 540 and 550. He was 
the Elisha of his time. Many miracles are said to 
have been wrought by him ; which are recorded in 
the second book of the dialogues of saint Gregory 
the great. ( Vide Dugd. ) 

The lax discipline, the unsteady principles, 
and the degenerate morals of modern time, cannot 
appreciate, and hardly believe, the rigid discipline, 
fervent piety, and unbounded charity which charac- 
terized the original institutions and lives of the Bene- 
dictine monks. I mean not to be the panegyrist of 

v 9 the 



324 

the founder of their order : but surely it is time for 
mankind to surmount the delusion which has so long- 
trampled on their judgement, and prevented them 
from judging of men and things with impartiality 
and candour. A few years before the time that 
Benedict retired from the world, that is? a. d. 452, 
Atilla, " the scourge of God and terror of man" had 
over-run the Roman empire, with seven hundred 
thousand men, or rather monsters, and threatened 
even imperial Rome with final destruction :* what 
service could a helpless individual have rendered his 
country by remaining at his post in such circum- 
stances, greater than flying to a desert, and impor- 
tuning heaven to pity and alleviate the distress of 
suffering humanity ? — " Infaslix seculum in quo tota 
ee Romanorum EuropaFerro Barbarorum, flammaquc 
u faedissime vastata fuit, and Religio Christiana pene 
* e obruta : quasi funestissima ista astate comparatum 
" fuisset hoc vivendi institutum, adversus humanas 
cc miserias refugium." ( See Dugd. ) 

* It was saved from pillage and destruction at the interces- 
sion of Leo the Great, bishop of Rome— but afterwards a. d. 455,, 
taken and sacked by Genseric, king of the Vandals. 

CHAPTER 



325 



CHAPTER XXI. 

i 

OP THE COMPARATIVE VALUE OF MONEY AT DIFFERENT 

TIMES. PROVISIONS ANIMAL FOOD WHEAT— WINES 

PROGRESS OF CIVILIZATION LIST OF SUSSEX GENTLE- 
MEN. 



1 HOUGH the value of money, from the Conquest 
to the reigns of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, was not 
stationary ; yet did it not fall rapidly, but sank 
gradually and imperceptibly in the lapse of many 
years. So that the same money which at the Con- 
quest would have purchased a certain quantity of 
the necessaries of life; though it would not have 
procured the same quantity at the beginning of the 
reign of Henry VII. — yet would it have paid for 
almost one half thereof. The price of wheat, at 
the last-mentioned time, was from twenty-pence to 
two-shillings per bushel, on the average of years, 
and of places too ; for it is to be observed that it 
frequently happened, that at the same time, the 

y 3 price 



326 



price would be nearly double at one part of the king- 
dom, of what it was at another — so imperfect was 
the communication, and so difficult the carriage or 
conveyance in those days. In the year 1438> the 
sixteenth year of the reign of Henry VI, the price 
was as high in London as three shillings the bushel ; 
till an importation from Prussia or Poland, reduced 
it to not more than two shillings. — During all this 
time the average price of cattle was low in compari- 
son; because in all uncivilized, or half-civilized 
countries, the stock which multiplies of itself, ever 
has been, and ever will be, cheaper in comparison, 
than that which requires the labour and art of man, 
and capital to raise it. 

The animal food which they used was not fatted^ 
at any part of the time I speak of, as it is at present : 
in the present day, the carcasses of the beasts which 
they then slaughtered, would not be reckoned more 
than half fatted. The breed of their cattle was not 
so large as the present — in every respect they were 
inferior, In the beginning of the reign of Edward 
the second, the price of (what they called) a fat ox, 
was twenty-four shillings ; and in the days of Henry 
the seventh, between three and four pounds : not 

that 



32? 

that the value of money had fallen ki that propor- 
tion ; but principally because they had improved the 
breed of their cattle — and so had they the degree of 
fattening them. So, in the first-mentioned time, the 
price of a fat wether was twenty pence, and in the 
latter, nearly three times a* much ; for the same 
reasons. 

In the year 1251, the thirty-fifth year of the 
reign of Henry III. an assize of bread was made, for 
the regulation of the London-bakers — the lowest 
calculation was for wheat at three shillings per quar- 
ter, and the highest at twenty shillings per quarter:* 
yet did the price sometimes rise higher, and some- 
times fall lower than the assize : which shews the 
very imperfect state of agriculture at that time. In 
the thirteenth year of the reign of Edward I. a. d. 
12S5, it was ordained that millers should have but 
(< one halfe peine " for grinding a quarter of wheat. f 
We afe informed in the history of the time, 
that in the year 13 1j, wheat sold for ten shillings 
per bushel — and in the year following was as low as 
ten pence for the same quantity. (Vide Hume.) At 
that time the price of a goose was from two pence 

y 4 to 

* Vide Stowe's Survey of London, p. 740.— t Ibid. p. 5(54. 



328 

to three pence. A fat capon two pence. A Hen 
one penny. Two chickens the same price. Two 
pigeons one penny. A gallon of French wine, called 
Gascoigne wine, four pence. Rhenish wine six pence 
a gallon. The wine most commonly drank in Eng- 
land for several centuries, and even as lately as the 
reign of qneen Elizabeth, was called Sack ; which was 
the Gascoigne wine highly sweetened with honey, 
and warmed with spices. (See Henry.) These are 
the prices which the several articles mentioned, bore 
in London; and in Chichester we may conclude, the 
difference was not much ; the price of grain, cattle 
and poultry a little lower, for the most part, but in 
times of great dearth, considerably higher — because 
it must have been more difficult here to find a sup- 
ply from a foreign or distant quarter, than in London. 
In the time of Edward III. and for a considerable time 
after, (and perhaps before) the pay of a labouring 
man was three pence a day, (See Hume and Henry) 
the price of a goose, or the seventh part of a fat 
wether. 

In all this time, the long period under con- 
sideration, very many of the bishops were the pro- 
tectors and patrons of this city : as the bishops 

Randulph, 



329 

Randulph, Ralph Neville, Gilbert de Saint Leofard, 
John de Langton, Edward Story, and others. To 
which we may add, the country gentlemen for several 
miles ronnd, contributed greatly both to support 
the trade of it, and to employ the mechanic, &c. by 
resorting hither, and residing here during the winter 
season ; some in lodgings, and many in their own 
town-house : for the fashion of those times was not 
for the country gentlemen and their families, to re- 
pair to London the one half of the year ; but to some 
neighbouring town ; in which they spent a consider- 
able part of the produce of their estates ; and en- 
joyed the society of their friends and acquaintance. 
About the beginning of the fifteenth century, 
the Chichester malt began to be in repute, through- 
out the greatest part of this county, and part of 
Hampshire and Surry. This appears from several of 
the malting-houses which were standing here so late 
as the year 1770 ; both in the plan and manner of 
building, they had the mark and characteristic of 
that age : and the timbers likewise, generally oak, 
bore witness to their antiquity. At what time this 
manufacture began to be exported to Ireland, 1 do 
not find : not before the time of queen Elizabeth, it 

is 



33° 

is probable, perhaps not till the reign of James. 
However that be, it was a very valuable article of 
trade to Chichester, enriching many indi vidua Is, 
and benefitting the city in general. So lately as 
forty or fifty years ago there were several of these 
malting houses in the town more than there are now; 
the manufacture was then on the decline, as it had 

been for some time.- The needle-manufacture in 

Chichester never thoroughly recovered from the 
cruel interruption and desolations of the civil way in 
England, About fifty years ago it employed forty 
or fifty hands, and supported almost twenty families : 
but it is now entirely dropped. 

It is difficult to give an accurate account of 
the refinement, or want of refinement, in the manners 
of a people at any time : and still more so to trace 
the progress thereof from savage rudeness to polished 
urbanity. The Normans, when they first came into 
England, looked upon themselves to be a polished 
people; but they were far from being so in reality. 
To the finer feelings of humanity they had, in truth, 
no manner of pretence. Strangers to the charities 
oflife, their hearts were as cold, and thei-^dispositions 
as rugged as the Norwegian mountains from which 

they 



33i 

rhey sprang. No melioration in the habit of their 
living took place among them for many years. Their 
ferocity was strengthened by their political institu- 
tions — and very little softened by their religion., 
which was corrupt, and breathed the spirit of Maho- 
met more than that of the gospel. — John, though a 
tyrant, and unacquainted with humanity, paved the 
way, and opened a glimmering door of hope, of 
future deliverance from the state of barbarity and 
rudeness, in which the people lived ; by the protec- 
tion and encouragement which he gave to the cor- 
porations : for it is certain that the asperity of men's 
manners is sooner overcome in towns than in the 
country: that .from the collision of interests and 
opinions, men associated together sooner acquire a 
polish and refinement than when they live in a state 
of separation — and are in a manner unconnected 
with one another : the small share of Christianity 
which entered into the composition of their religion, 
no .doubt had some influence on their minds, and 
disposed them to humanity : so must also even their 
superstition, and that fervor of spirit which induced 
so many of them to hazard and sacrifice their lives 
ui a distant climate: the crusades likewise : the spread 

of 



332 

of knowledge, in consequence of the invention of 
printing; the increase of foreign trade ; each of these 
causes, and others, contributed, in the revolution 
of ages, to correct the harsh features of the times. 
By slow degrees, indeed, did the manners of the peo- 
ple of England emerge from the gulf of rudeness 
into which the Norman-English kings, barons, &c. 

had plunged them. Though the habits of their 

living, and mutual intercourse, had been improving 
for several centuries before the time of Henry VIII. 
yet had they not then arrived to a great degree of 
refinement. In the third year of that reign, a. d. 
1512* the earl of Northumberland's household-book 
began ; in which are noted some of the rules of the 
domestic ceconomy of that great family. By that it 
appears, that my lord's board-end ( that is, the end 
of the taHe where he and his principal guests were 
seated ) was served with a different and more delicate 
kind of viands, than those allotted to the lower end. 
** It is thought good (says that curious record) that 
il no pluvers be brought at any time, but only at 
" Christmas, and the principal feasts ; and my lord 
(i to be served therewith, and his board-end, and no 
iC other." The line of distinction was marked by a 

large 



333 



'large salt-cellar, placed in the middle of the table : 
above which, at my lord's end, sat the distinguished 
guests : and below it those of an inferior class. Not 
only the viands were different, but also the beverage 
or liquors; and so was the attendance. 

In the time of the Saxons property was vested 
in many hands : a system of justice and patriotism 
which the Normans compleatly overturned; and, as 
far as political institutions could effect, prevented 
from obtaining at any future period. Immediately 
after the Conquest, the freeholders in Sussex were 
very few in number: and, from the operation of the 
laws of primogeniture, and entail, continued so for 
many generations: as appears from the following 
return of all the gentlemen in this county, in the 
year 1431— the eleventh of Henry VI. 

Sir Thomas E m,Kt. Sir Robert Roos, Kt. 

of Westdean, m the Rape Sir H Hu kL 

ot revensey . 

e . tT . T . .. , v , Richard Dalyngrfcge, Esq. 

Sir Hugh Hailsham, Kt. (Of BodiLm Castle) 

SirRoger Fiennes,^ ^ Kt. Edward Sakevyle, Esq. 

William R'ymari, F.sq. 

(Ot Appledram) 

Roger 



(Related to Lord D'Acre) 
Sir Thomas Lewkenor,* Kt. 



* A warm friend of the line of Lancaster. Mis son, Sir John 
Lawkenor, in tbe reign of Edward IV. a. d. 1471, was slain in the battle 
of Tewksbury, fighting under prince Edward, son of Henry VI. 



334 



Roger Gunter, Esq. 
(Of Racton) 

Robert Lyle, Gent. 

John Bartelot, Gent. 

William Ernelc, Gent. 

Walter Urry, Gent. 

John Lylye, Gent. 

John Knottesford, Esq. 

Richard Protyt, Gent, 

John Bolney, Gent. 

Walter Fust, Gent. 

John Wiltshire, Gent. 

Ade Ivodc, Gent. 

( Heywood) 

Wm. Halle de Ore, Gent. 

John Oxebrugge, Gent. 
(Oxbridge) 

Thomas Oxebrugge, Gent. 

Robert Arnorld, Gent. 

John Peres, Gent. 



J. Parker de Lewos, Gent, 

•Richard Waller, Esq. 

John Ledes, Esq. 

John Bramshel, Esq. 

Richard Cook, Esq. 

Richard Farnfold, Gent. 

John Burdevyle, Esq. 

Rad. Rademeld, Esq. 

JohnApsley, Gent. 

Richard Green, Gent. 

Thomas Green, Gent. 

William Blast, Gent. 

Robert Tank, Gent. 

John Bradebrugge, Gent. 
(Broadbridge) 

William Delve, Gent. 

William Shrswell, Gent. 

John Lunsford, Gent. 

John Penhurst, Gent, 



Richard Danmere, 


Gent. 


John Goring, 


Gent. 


Thomas Stanton, 


Gent. 


Simon Chyene, 


Gent. 


Thomas Cotes, 


Gent* 


John Vest, 


Gent. 


John Wyghtrynge, 

(Of Wittering) 


Gent. 


Thomas Ashburnham, 
(Of Broomham) 


, Esq. 


William Hoare, 


Gent. 


Richard Clothule, 


Gent. 


John Sherar, 


Gent. 


Robert Hyberden, 


Gent. 


John Hilly, 


Gent. 


John Dragon, 


Gent. 


William Warnecamp, 


Gent. 


Thpmas Surflet, 


Gent. 


William Mervve, 


Gent. 


Henry Ex ton, 


Gent. 


Tobias Grantford, 


Gent. 


John Symmond, 


Gent. 


Rad. Vest, 


Gent. 


William Scardcvyle, 


Gent. 


J. Hammes dcPadyng 


ho, do. 


Wiliiam Ye van, 


Gent. 
John 



* Ancestor of the Leader of the Parliamentary Army, and of Edmund 
Waller the Poet. 



335 

John Rpmbrigg, Gent. Richard Roper, Gent. 

Henry Wendon, Gent. Thomas Fustingden, Gent. 

Richard Danel, Gent. Rad. Shreswell, Gent. 

These freeholders, seventy-four in number, 

were laymen — besides whom the return contained six 

ecclesiastics— namely the abbots of Robertsbridge, 

Battle, Begeham, and the priors of Lewes, Hastings, 

and Michelham — making altogther eighty : a very 

small number : most probably only the principal 

gentlemen, omitting the lesser freeholders — or it may 

be the commissioners returned only the friends of 

the house of Lancaster, and over-looked those of the 

York party : and, even on that supposition, the 

number was low. % 

The commissioners were — 

S — Bishop of Chichester Simon Sidenham 

John Earl of Huntimrton, Lord Hastings 



William St. John 
William Sidney J 



> ightsof 



CHAPTER 



33$ 



CHAPTER XXII. 

OF WILLIAM CAWLEY THE REGICIDE. CHICHESTER BESIEGED 

AND TAKEN BY THE PARLIAMENTARY ARMY, UNDER SIR 

WILLIAM WALLER. FURY OF THE PURITANS LEVELLED 

AGAINST THE CHURCHES. DEVASTATIONS COMMITTED IN 

THE CITY SIR ARTHUR HASLERIG ? S HOSTILE VISIT HITHER". 

DISMAL CONDITION OF THE CITY AFFECTING INTERVIEW 

BETWEEN THE EARL OF S AND A PERSON UNKNOWN. 



IN the unhappy days of Charles^, when fanaticism 
filled the land, no doubt Chichester had its share : 
for how should it escape the general infection of the 
times: and it is commonly believed that William 
Cawley, who signed the warrant for the execution 
of the king,, belonged to the corporation. This may 
well be doubted. The Mr. Cawley who was a mem- 
ber of the corporation, lived in the North-street, 
where now Mr. Ridge's brewhouse is. In the year 
1625 he founded an alms-house without the North- 
gate, on the London road, for the reception of 

twelve 



337 

twelve decayed tradesmen of the city, and endowed 
it with lands adjoining, for their support and main- 
tenance, under the trust and direction of the mayor. 
It is reasonable to suppose that this charitable en- 
dowment was made by him towards the latter end of 
his days, at least not in his juvenile years. There is 
in the workhouse a portrait-painting of Mr. Cawley 3 
"iotte a. d. 1620 — Mt. 18." So that at the time 
that the establishment of the alms-house was planned, 
he could not have been more than twenty or twenty- 
one vears of age. The bequest therefore must have 
been the act of some other person — and not of one 
who was born a. d. 16Q l 2. That the charitable founder 
of the alms-house died before the year 1G49, is no 
improbable supposition ; and in that case^ could not 
possibly be the Cawley w r ho signed the warrant for 
the decapitation of the king. — If this reasoning be 
conclusive, no doubt will remain but the Mr. Cawley 
whose portrait is preserved in the poor-house, w T as 

the person who signed the warrant and that the 

citizens of Chichester pay a very undeserved, and I 
am persuaded, unintended honour to the memorv of 
a regicide, in preserving his picture with so much 
care. 

x As 



338 

As I believe it is not agreed among historians 
who the person was that performed the office of exe- 
cutioner on the unfortunate king, the reader, I hope, 
will pardon me for deviating from my subject in 
order to throw some light on that part of our history. 
Some accounts say it was a William Walker : others 
assign the office to Richard Brandon; and William 
Lilly, in his history of his own life and times, affirms 
that colonel Joyce used the fatal axe on the occasion. 
The following account of this matter is taken from 
the writings of M. Arnaud, a French author of great 
celebrity. 

After the battle of Dittengen, the earl of S — 
too freely exposed the injudicious conduct of the 
commander in, chief of the British forces there, which 
gave him great offence ; for which reason the earl re- 
tired from court in disgust : and was preparing to go 
to his estate in Scotland, and there abide. A few days 
before his intended departure, he received a letter 
from an unknown hand, requesting an interview with 
him at a specified time and place — and the day after 
another letter, more pressing than the former. This 
was too singular to be wholly neglected ; he there- 
fore went to the place appointed — one of those bye- 
places 



339 

places in London that most commonly indicate 
poverty and wretchedness. There, in a mean garret, 
by the help of a glimmering light, he perceived a 
man lying on a bed, with every appearance of old 
age. ec Be seated, my lord, (said he) you have no- 
" thing to fear from a man an hundred and twenty- 
<c five vears old. Have you not occasion for certain 
" writings (mentioning them) that relate to your 

'*' family and fortune ?" On lord S answering 

in the afhrmathe — ." there they are (said he) depo- 
u sited in that casket ;*' at the same time giving him 
the key. " To whom (said the other) am I indebted 
(C for this great favour?" If he was much surprised 
to learn that the miserable object before him was 
his great-grand-father, he was still more astonished 
when he told him that he was the masked executioner 
of king Charles I. i; A cursed spirit of revenge ( con- 
'• tinued he) impelled me to this foul deed. I had 
" been treated, as I supposed, with indignit) by my 
" sovereign. I suspected him of having seduced my 
" sister; and was determined to be revenged for this 
" imagined injury. I entered into and forwarded 
* all the designs of Cromwell : and to compJeat the 
f% measure of my wickedness, I solicited him to let 

z 2 u me 



34° 

'•' me be the executioner. The vengeance of heaven 
" has pursued me ever since. I have been a wretched 
" wanderer in Europe and Assia: and remorse has 
" accompanied me in everyplace; while heaven has 
" protracted my miserable life beyond the ordinary 
e i term of nature. That casket contains the remains 
" of my fortune. I came here to end my wretched 
€C days. I had heard of your disgrace at court ; the 
u very reverse of what your virtues merited : and I 
" wished, before I quitted this scene, to contribute 
".thus to your welfare. All the return I request is, 
,f that you will leave me to myself; and shed a tear 
" to the memory of one whose long, long, repen- 
" tance may at last expiate his crimes." Lord S — 
earnestly pressed his hoary ancestor to retire with 
him to Scotland ; and there, under a fictitious name., 
pass the remainder of his days. He long withstood 
all his intreaties, till wearied out by importunity, he 
consented, or seemed to consent. The next day, 
however, when his lordship returned, he had quitted 
the spot; and notwithstanding 1 all the researches he 
made, his fate remains a mystery to this day.* 

In 

* Vide Suppl. to Univ. Mag. 1785. 



34i 

In the beginning of the civil War, soon after 
the battle of Edgehill, the king came from the western 
counties, as far as Hounslow, with the fond hope of 
terminating the distractions of the country, by a 
reasonable and cordial peace. While he lay at Read- 
ing, he was waited on by a delegation of Sussex 
gentlemen, of rank and fortune, requesting his per- 
mission and authority to raise the southern counties 
in his defence. Having obtained the necessary com- 
missions, they pitched upon Chichester, being a 
walled town, as the place of their rendezvous. But 
in their expectations that the people would readily 
and cordially join them in the cause of their sove- 
reign, they were greatly disappointed; so much that 
their muster-roll contained very few but their own 
dependents, and some of them followed them with 
reluctance. Receiving information, in the begin- 
ning of 1643, that the parliament had ordered sir 
William Waller, with a very considerable force, to 
attack and dislodge them. They strengthened their 
situation, repairing the fortifications, making some 
additions,* and laying up provisions, being deter- 

z 3 mined 

* At this time the bastion on the North-walls, between the 
two West-lanes, was erected; and appears to have been constructed 

of 



342 

mined to defend the place, till they should receive 
assistance, either from his majesty directly, or from 
his friends in Exeter or Cornwall. The parliamen- 
tary army did not give them long time to deliberate 
on the measures of their defence; in the month of 
January or February, they made their appearance 
on the Broile, and immediately summoned the city 
to open its gates to the parliamentary army : as the 
order was not complied with, they opened batteries 
against it, and in ten or twelve days obliged the be-, 
sieged to surrender on no better conditions than 
granting quarters * (Vide Clarendon.) The histo- 
rian, from whom this acconnt is taken, has not given 
the particulars of the siege, having only informed 
us that the besieged was forced to capitulate, not 
being able to support the fatigue of the duty, the 
whole of which lay on them: from whence it has 
been inferred that the inhabitants were far from being 
friendly to the king's cause, 

But 

of the stones of the two small churches of saint Pancrass and saint 
Bartholomew, which they had razed, on account of their being 
posited without the walls. 

* The north-west tower of the cathedral was then beaten, 
down and not sjnee rebuilt, 



343 



But to appreciate aright their principles, at 
that time, we ought to take into the account that 
they had received just cause of offence from these 
volunteers in loyalty, in having the city, by their 
means, subjected to the dangers, and all the calamities 
inseparable *from a siege, to answer no purpose be- 
neficial to the king. If they intended to serve his 
majesty, the field, or the open country was the pro- 
per place, and not to shut themselves up within the 
walls of a town ; the possession of which they had 
gotten partly by force, aud partly by stratagem. They 
saw the suburbs levelled with the ground ; many of 
the goodliest fabrics within the walls greatly injured; 
and all in danger every hour to be demolished; 
several of the inhabitants killed, and all in jeopardy; 
and famine and want hanging over their heads. How 
great soever their loyalty to their prince might be, 
in these circumstances it was not to be expected that 
they should cordially co-operate with the men who 
had brought them into them. 

The fury of the Puritans was levelled princi- 
pally against the churches. By sir William 's order 
they broke down the organ in the cathedral, and the 
large painted window facing the bishop's palace: 

z 4 the 



344 

the ornaments in the choir they defaced; beat down 
the tombs in the church; at the same time carrying 
away several massy tables, containing the monumen- 
tal inscriptions of the dead. In the vestry they 
seized upon the communion plate, the vestments of 
the clergy, &c. All the bibles, books of common- 
prayer, and the singing-books belonging to the choir, 
they tore, and scattered the leaves of them through- 
out the church and church-yard. The altar, both in 
the cathedral and in the church of the Subdeanry, they 
broke in pieces, together with the railing belonging 
to them, the pulpits, pews, and in short every thing 
that was not proof against their pole-axes. In this 
godly exercise the rule was "Cursed be he that doth 
ce the work of the Lord deceitfully," a rule from 
which the saints did not deviate : neither the Presby- 
terians in |he beginning of their pious undertaking, 
nor the Independents in the concluding scene thereof. 
In the year 1647 or 1648, another party of 
the parliamentary forces, under the command of sir 
Arthur Haslerig, by the procurement of Mr. Cawlcy, 
was sent hither by Oliver Cromwell, to finish the 
work of demolition, which, it was alledged, the 
other had left incompleat. Their commission reached 

only 



345 

only against the ungodly : the godly (that is the 
Independents, the friends and favourers of Cromwell 
and the parliament) were not to be molested. When 
sir Arthur came to the city,, he found none but those 
of the latter denomination, they of the former had 
prudently withdrawn before his approach. With 
furious zeal they set upon and beat down all the re- 
pairs that, in the intermediate time, had been made 
of the former devastations. The chapter-house, 
being locked, they forced open ; and after seizing 
upon the ryublie money belonging to the church, 
they utterly demolished every thing therein : even 
tearing down the wainscotting of the room. The 
episcopal palace shared the same fate : so did the 
deanry, the houses of the canons, vicars, and others 
belonging to the church. Sir Arthur was a rigid 
Independent, and in the accomplishment of praying, 
and preaching extempore, accounted little inferior 
to the best gifted among them, even Cromwell him- 
self, whose cause he supported by every means in 
his power ; till he discovered an inclination in him 
to be invested with the insignia of royalty ; and to 
re-establish in his own person and family, the regal 
government. — Though the cathedral was the principal 

object 



346 

object of their fury, the other churches in the city 
and neighbourhood, felt the weight of their zeal : 
for the Independents of those days denied the neces- 
sity, and even the propriety of appropriating either 
persons or houses for divine worthip : and main- 
tained that every person, learned or unlearned, when 
he found himself moved thereto by the spirit, was 
duly authorised to preach the gospel, and that what 
they thus taught was agreeable to the will of God. 
This they maintained stiffly and stubbornly : though 
the rhapsodies which they poured forth, were not 
only full of blasphemies, but also of contradictions. 
After these severe visitations, the face and ap- 
pearance of Chichester could not be inviting ; but 
uncomfortable and gloomy, like the physiognomy 
and disposition of the greater part of its then inhabi- 
tants. The bishop, doctor Henry King, had fled 
from the city on the coming of sir William Waller : 
after whose departure, he returned to an occasional, 
precarious, and uncomfortable residence : but on the 
approach of sir Arthur, both he and all the clergy of 
the establishment in the city and neighbourhood, 
fled for safety wherever they could. After this, it 
does not appear that the bishop returned till the Re- 
storation, 



347 

storation. Some of the clergy did occasionally, and 
officiated in private-houses to the few who stili ad- 
hered to their religion. This may be collected from 
the very imperfect parochial registers of the time. 
In some these valuable records are wholly wanting, 
from (and even before) the year 1648 to 1660 — 
and in others, a few names are to be found written, 
for the most part, in a very irregular manner. Ill 
those where they are fullest, and seem to approach 
to some regularity, I think it is not improbable that 
the several articles thereof, were copied ft: m the 
memorandums of private families, and transferred, 
by the courtesy of the clergymen, after the Restora- 
tion, into the legal annals of the parish. But this is 
only conjecture. 

In many parts of the kingdom matrimony was 
solemnized during the usurpation of Cromwell, by 
the justices of the peace, as they looked upon that 
rite to be only a civil contract; and therefore we 
may presume this was the case in the county of 
Sussex, and in Chichester : though I have not found 
in any of the registers which I have seen, an instance 
of that nature. In the county of Surry, parish of 
Bansted, Mr. John Marshall, of Wendover in Bucks, 

was 



34§ 

was married to Mrss. Alice Buckle, by justice Potts : 
<f she was the daughter of sir Christopher Buckle, in 
this place ;' 3 in the year 1653. In Mag. Brit. vol. V, 
p. 377, several other marriages are recorded. 



THE FOLLOWING IS A LIST OF 

A SUSSEX JURY, 

Returned in the time of Independency. 



Approved 

Be thankful 

Be courteous 

Safety on High 

Search the Scriptures 

JWore fruit 

Free-gift 

Increase 

Restore 

Kill-sin 

Elected 

Faint not 

Renewed 

Return 

Fly debate 

Fly fornication 

Seek wisdom 

JS/Iuch mercy 

Fight the good fight of faith 

Small hope 

Earth 

Repentance 

The peace of God 



Frewen of Nordjam 
Maynard of Brightling 
Cole of Pevensey 
Snat of Uckfield 
Moreten of Salehurst 
Fowler of East-Hoadly 
Mabbs of Chittingly 
Weeks of Cuckfield 
Weeks of the same 
Pemble of West- Ham 
Mitchell of Heatkfield 
Hurst of the same 
Wisberry of Haselham 
Milward of Hellingly 
Smart of Waldren 
Richardson of the same 
Wood of the same 
Cryer of the same 
White of Ewhurst 
Biggs of Rye 
Adams of Warbleton 
Avis of Shoreham 
Knight of Bur wash 



CHAPTER 



349 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

AFTER THE RESTORATION, BISHOP KING RETURNS TO HIS SEE 

WILLIAM CAWLEY FLIES HIS ESTATES FORFEITED TO 

THE CROWN. BODIES OF SOME OF THE REGICIDES HUNG 

AT TYBURN. OF CHARLES II. ENDEAVOURS TO BECOME 

ABSOLUTE SEIZES THE CHARTERS OF LONDON, CHICHESTER, 

AND OTHERS RESTORED BY JAMES II. BUT CHANGED. 

DR. LAKE OF CHICHESTER, ONE OF THE SEVEN BISHOPS, 
SENT TO THE TOTTER, TRIED, AND ACQUITTED. 



AT the time of the restoration of the king, we can- 
not suppose* that Chichester was in a flourishing 
condition : many of the most opulent, respectable, 
and useful inhabitants, had heen expelled from it 
during the civil wars, and the usurpation of Crom- 
well ; several found their situation uncomfortable ; 
and the far greatest number of those that remained 
were sour Independents. In what manner the affairs 
of the corporation were then transacted, and the 
welfare and renovation of the city conducted, we 
may conjecture, but cannot describe ; as no records 

thereof 



35° 

thereof are to be found. On the 26th dav of May 
the king landed at Dover ; soon after which they 
who had taken possession of the houses of the clergy 
of the establishment, and of others, the friends of 
monarchy, thought proper to evacuate them. The 
bishop, doctor Henry King, was still alive, and soon 
returned to his see. He died in September, 1669, 
and was buried in the cathedral behind the choir. 

William Cawley, who had signed the warrant 
for the execution of the king, consulted his safety 
by quitting the kingdom, and retiring to Switzer- 
land ; where he remained to the day of his death. 
His estates, as were those of the regicides in general, 
were by the parliament, confiscated to the crown. 
As the alderman, whom he succeeded, gave some 
valuable fields near the city, on the new Broile, for 
the support of the alms-house he had founded, it is 
probable that he had others there, which he left to 
his successor. However that may be, the valuable 
estate of Broadlees, and other lands; in the parish of 
Rumbold's Whyke, to a considerable amount,* cer- 
tainly belonged to him, and after the passing the 

act 

# Besides that of Broadlees near Whyke, he had two" others 
of considerable value in the parish of Sidlesham, namely the 

church 



35* 

act of attainder, were given By the king to his brother 
James, duke of York, who in 1663 sold the same to 
lord William Brounker, for the sum of two thousand 
and one hundred pounds. From him the estate pas- 
sed to his brother, the honourable Henry Brounker; 
who bequeathed the same to sir Charles Littleton, by 
his will, dated the 7th of July, 1687 * 

Some of the Cawley family were alive at the 
time of the Revolution; for it appears (according 
to the letters of indenture passed between William 
Cawley and Elizabeth his wife, of Chichester, and 
sir Charles Littleton, in June 1689) that in con- 
sideration of four hundred pounds, the said Cawley 
and his wife, did grant unto the said sir Charles, all 
the said manors, messuages, &c. to him, and his 
heirs for ever. At the Resolution, king William had 
it in contemplation to rerall general Ludlow from 
the place of his exile, to England, in order to have 
sent him to Ireland, to suppress- the rebellion there. 

When 

church-Uirm there, now belonging to?,an&m the- possession of 
Mr. Joseph Frceland— and the farm called Ham-farm. One of 
the lanes in the former is called Cawley's lane to this day. 

# 159 acres, as appears from the copy of the grant from 
the crown, 



352 

When this circumstance became known in England, 
it created no small uneasiness and alarm in the minds 
of the holders of the forfeited estates of the regicides, 
lest they should be reclaimed, and wrested from 
them by the new parliament. It was upon this foot- 
ing, no doubt, that sir Charles thought it most pru- 
dent to secure his property at a small comparative 
sacrifice. 

Towards the end of the year 1660, the parlia- 
ment ordered the bodies of Cromwell, Ireton, Pride, 
and Bradshaw, to be dug out of their graves, and 
dragged through the streets to Tyburn, where, for 
a whole day, they were suspended on the gallows, 
and afterwards buried under it. This was done by 
the authority of parliament, or convention : but it 
is not hard to conjecture at whose instigation. All 
revenge is mean ; but that exercised against the dead 
is more particularly so : to have suffered each to re- 
main in its dormitory, would have showed more 
greatness of mind. But greatness of mind was not. 
the characteristic either of Charles or of his court ; 
which last wafe the center of vice, and the very sink of 
lewdness and profligacy ; from thence the contagion 
flowed like a pestilence, and few there were in pro- 
portion 



353 

portion who escaped its malignant influence. The 
nation was kept in an almost constant state of war, 
principally against the Dutch ; directly contrary to 
the sense of the most enlightened part of the people. 
The supplies granted by parliament to carry on these 
ruinous wars, the king often found means to divert 
to other purposes. On every renewal of hostilities, 
the sycophants of the court laid the whole blame on 
the Dutch : and,, though the reverse was evidently 
the truth, the people were weak enough to believe 
them. As the commons house of parliament, in the 
latter years of this reign, was not so obsequious to 
the king's pleasure as he wished it to be, several 
dissolutions took place in the course of a few years. 
At every fresh election, the court exerted all its in- 
fluence to have such members returned as would be 
more propitious to its views : but very rarely suc- 
ceeded in procuring a majority fully to their mind, 
of men that would go through thick and thin ; be- 
cause in almost all the boroughs the Presbyterian 
interest prevailed, and that interest was uniformly 
inimical to the corruptions o[ the court. In order 
to obviate this sore evil, the king contrived a plan 
to make himself master of all the corporations in 

a a England, 



354 

England, and reign absolute and without control 
This plan was no other than seizing the charters of 
all the corporations in the kingdom, and obliging 
them to hold them under him., and only durante bene 
placito. He began with the most powerful, the city 
of London, by issuing from the court of king'sbench, 
a, writ of quo warranto against the corporation. As 
the judges were wholly at the king's beck (generally 
the case in despotic governments,) judgment was 
given against them : and it was decided that the COr- 
poration had forfeited its charters. The judgment, 
however, was not recorded till the king's pleasure 
should be known ; and in the mean time it was 
agreed, in common-council, to submit to the king's 
pleasure ; and a petition to that effect was presented 
to the throne : in consequence of this, which no 
doubt was the issue he wished to bring the matter to, 
Charles agreed to restore the charters to the city, on 
condition that if he, or his successors, at any future 
time, should disapprove of their choice of a mayor, 
sheriff &c. they should proceed to a new election ; 
that no mayor, or other officer of the corporation, 
should exercise his office till his election should be 
confirmed by the king, &c. that the justices of the 

peace 



55 



peace in London should act only by virtue of his (the 
king's) commission ; and other conditions, equally 
severe ; to which they were forced to submit. The 
other corporations in the kingdom, (and among 
these Chichester) seeing the fate of the metropolis, 
surrendered their respective charters into the king's 
hand ; to have them restored to them on the same 
conditions as those of London were. However they 
were not restored to them till near the end of the 
reign of James IT. and then in a mutilated condition; 
and curtailed of those plenary powers which the 
former charters contained. The date of several of 
them is prior to that time ; but either we must im- 
pugn the general voice of history, or say that they 
were not returned till the prince of Orange had pre- 
pared to land in England, and misdated for Very 
obvious reasons. 

In the year 1687, or early in 16S8, the king 
published a declaration granting liberty of conscience, 
and Abolishing the penal laws against dissenters of 
every denomination ; at the same time ordering the 
declaration to be read publicly in all churches of the 
kingdom. As arch-bishop Sancrof of Canterbury — 
doctors Lake, bishop of Chichester — Lloyd, of saint 

a a 2 Asaph 





Asaph— Ken, of Bath and Wells — Turner, of Ely — - 
White, of Peterborough — and Trelawney, of Bristol, 
thought that they could not obey the orders of the 
king without betraying the duty they owed to God 
and their country, they therefore agreed to petition 
his majesty in all meekness aud humility — praying 
that he would be graciously pleased to pardon their 
non-compliance with a measure which they could by 
no means reconcile to their conscience, and repug- 
nant to duties of a still higher obligation. On the 
18th day of May, 1688, these worthy prelates went 
in a body to the king's palace, and with great humi- 
lity presented their petition to their sovereign ; who 
far from listening to them, ordered them to be pro- 
secuted in the most rigorous manner. Being brought 
before the council, they were asked if they would 
give bail to appear in the court of King's Bench, 
and answer the charge to be brought against them, 
of endeavouring to diminish the just prerogative of 
the crown, :&c. this they refused to do, alledging, 
with truth, that they could not without sacrificing, 
what by their oath they were bound to maintain, 
their privilege as peers of the realm. The chancellor 
threatened to commit them to the tower, unless they 

retracted 



357 

retracted their assertions, and withdrew the petition. 
To this menace they replied that they were ready to 
go wherever the king pleased to send them : that 
while they were in the discharge of their duty, they 
relied upon the protection of the king of kings, and 
could not be shaken from their resolution by any 
threats. An order of commitment was immediately 
issued from the privy-council, and the Attofrhey- 
general commanded to prosecute them for sedition 
and contumacy. — On the 29th day of June their 
trial came on in Westminster-hall ; and on the 30th., 
the jury gave in their verdict of acquittal, to the great 
joy of the nation in general. 

That these venerable and most respectable 
prelates, in their opposition to the measures of his 
majesty, were not actuated bv contumacy, cr dis- 
loyalty to his person, fully appeared in their future 
conduct. Of the seven, only two of them (Lloyd, 
of saint Asaph, and sir Jonathan Trelawnev, bart. of 
Bristol) chose to conform to the government under 
the prince of Orange ; but maintained their fidelity 
to the prince to whom they had sworn allegiance. 
The king himself (James) though he caused them 
to be indicted for presenting to him a seditious libel, 

4*3 (for 



358 

(for such Jeffries, the chancellor, called the petition 
which the bishops presented to him) was fully satis- 
fied of their attachment to his person : for in the 
succeeding October, he sent for the arch-bishop, the 
bishops of Chichester, Peterborough, Ely, Bath and 
Wells, to his palace, in the extremity of his distress, 
and desired them to consult together a few hours, 
and lay before him the result of their deliberations, 
what was most proper to be done by him in the pre- 
sent extremity of his affairs. The counsel which 
they gave their sovereign, evinces the soundness of 
their judgment, the integrity of their hearts, arid 
their inviolable loyalty to his person and govern- 
ment. They advised him to revoke immediately 
every dispensation he had passed in favour of Roman 
catholics ; to restore the laws to their constitutional 
course ; to call a free and unbiassed parliament ; to 
issue a proclamation to assure the people that if they 
would overlook some irregularities that were past, 
he would reign, for the future, according to law ; 
that he would protect and encourage the Protestant 
religion ; that, being now fully convinced that the 
Romish system w r as disagreeable to the people, he 
would not directly or indirectly, encourage it, nor 
tolerate it, but in his own family, as an individual. 

Had 



359. 

Had this salutary and faithful counsel been 
taken, and steadily adhered to, even at that late and 
critical period, it might have saved the unhappy 
monarch all the future distresses of his life; and the 
nation the miseries inseparable from a disputed se- 
cession to the throne. Though in a political view, 
it was the duty of doctor Lake, and the other non- 
conforming prelates, to have submitted to the . go- 
vernment of that prince, whom the convention, and 
the nation in general had chosen to fill the vacant 
throne, yet, as they evidently acted on conscientious 
motives, they are entitled not only to the forgive- 
ness but the esteem of posterity. He (doctor Lake) 
died in 16S9, advanced in age; and doctor Simon 
Patrick, who was hampered with no such scruples, 
was raised to the see the same year, and translated to 
Ely ill 1691.* 

* Doctor Lake, as said, did not conform— doctor William 
Sancroft, arch-bishop of Canterbury, was deprived 1630 for non- 
conformity,, and died in 1693 — bishop Ken was deprived the 
same year— so were bishop Turner and bishop White, in the above- 
mentioned year — bishop Lloyd conformed, and was translated In 
' 1692 to Lichfield and Coventry — Jonathan Trelawney, bart. s.t.p. 
conformed, and was translated 1(JS9 to Exeter. 



a a 4 CHAPTER 



360 



CHAPTER XXIV. 



THE ENCOURAGEMENT OF AGRICULTURE SERVICEABLE TO 

CHICHESTER RAISING CORN AND REARING CATTLE 

COMPARISON BETWEEN. —THE ELM TREES WITHIN THE 

WALLS WHEN PLANTED. BISHOP'S PALACE REBUILT. 

DOMESTIC BUILDING WHEN IT BEGAN TO BE IMPROVED 

OF THE CROSS— ASSEMBLY-ROOM. PARISHES INCOR- 
PORATED. MR. JOHN HARDHAM'S LEGACY TO THE CITY 

■ NUMBER OF THE POOR AND EXPENCE, THE LATE ACT 

FOR NEW PAVING THE STREETS, 



V ERY soon after the Revolution, an act of parlia- 
ment was passed for granting a bounty of five shil- 
lings per quarter on all wheat exported out of the 
kingdom when the price thereof was under forty- 
eight shillings, or twelve pounds a load, of forty 
bushels. This statute has, in the event, been of 
singular benefit to the kingdom in general ; and in a 
particular manner to Chichester, as it has contributed 
perhaps more than any other cause, to raise it from 
a condition of great mediocrity, to its present wealth 

and 



36 1 



and splendor. Before, and at that time, the agri- 
culture of the nation was at a very low ebb. Amidst 
the din and horror of civil war, the rage of contend- 
ing systems of religion, the legislature had hitherto 
paid no adequate attention to that great national 
concern. The peasantry were poor and disregarded, 
their degree of knowledge was very small. They 
plodded on in their business in the same undeviating 
beaten tract, as their fathers had done for many 
preceeding generations. For a farmer to have at- 
tempted to make any improvement, or any change 
in his mode of cultivation, would have subjected him 
to the suspicion of being deranged in his intellects. 
But had the case been otherwise in this point, had 
their knowledge been ever so great, and their minds 
ever so enlightened, they, had not the means of im- 
provement in their power : they were in general 
very much cramped in their circumstances. During 
this state of things, an untoward season was followed 
with a scarcity ; and two or three unproductive sea- 
sons occasioned a famine ; and that sometimes was 
followed by a plague. — —As Chichester is not, and 
r wa c , to anv <rreat degree, a manufacturing: 
■ •■, or of extensive trade, it is evident it must 

depead 



362 



depend for its prosperity on the country around it. 
It was some time before this wholesome law oper?: j 
even among the farmers, so as to produce any visj 
ble change for the better : and stili longer ere these 
effects circulated to the market-towns with which 
they were connected. Its first effect was, that it 
secured to the cultivator ofthelanda certain market 
for his grain, and this security, in time, encouraged 
him to plough and sow with confidence — and in the 
issue enabled him, by the increase of his stock, to 
increase the produce of his lands. It is no extrava- 
gant conjecture to suppose that there is at this pre- 
sent time, thrice. the quantity of grain produced in 
this neighbourhood as there was an hundred years 
ago. And yet I doubt not but the farmer of those 
days imagined that the practice of agriculture was 
arrived at the summit of perfection ; and most pro- 
bably with equal reason as many of the present day 
entertain a like opinion of the present time : for if 
that Were the case all the laudable institutions that 
are formed, and the societies that are established, for 
the improvement of the science, would be in vain, 
and must terminate in disappointment ; which we 
know has not hitherto been the case, and probably 

never 



3$3 

never will: for though thefe be in nature a degree 
of perfection beyond which human sagacity cannot 
go, vet it is a point to which men will never fully 
attain. Many gentlemen and noblemen have of late 
commenced extensive farmers, or rather agricultu- 
rists, but it is not hitherto apparent that that prac- 
tice has conduced, or is likely to conduce, to the 
good of the public — the production of an increased 
quantity of the necessaries of life. If we allow, as 
we ought, that thev are more likely to make experi- 
ments than the regular farmer ; on the other hand, 
it has been observed that their speculations have 
been directed to grazing, and the rearing of cattle, 
&c. rather than the raising of grain, the public 
utility of their exertions may justly be doubted; as 
it is a fact, that the produce of one acre of wheat 
will go as far in supporting the life of man as twelve 
acres laid out in rearing and feeding of cattle or 
sheep* 

Before the late unhappy war against the re- 
public of France, the farmers in England held that 
station in society which best comported with their own 
and the public welfare. They were not restrained by 

the 

* ViJe Mackie's Statements, published 1798. 



3'M 

the narrowness of their circumstances from makins* 
any improvements. Far removed from poverty, and 
in general, not tumid with riches, they were re- 
spectable and respected yeomen, and did not aspire 
to the rank of gentlemen. 

In the year 1701, the elm-trees within the 
North and East- walls were planted in the mayoralty 
of William Costellow, for the accommodation of the 
citizens, and the ornament of the city : both which 
purposes, it is hoped, they will continue to answer 
for many years to come ; though they have not been 
in a state of advancement for the last thirty years, 
but rather the reverse. 

In the year 1720 happened the iniquitous 
transaction known in the history of England by the 
name of the South-sea scheme : a scheme whereby a 
few worthless men were enriched, and thousands of 
innocent individuals and their families brought to 
poverty and distress. 

At the beginning of this (the eighteenth) 
century, the condition and appearance of the dwell- 
ing houses in Chichester was not meliorated to any 
great degree, except a few belonging to the digni- 
taries of the church, and the most opulent of the 

gentlemen 



3^ 



gentlemen of the corporation, and a very few inde- 
pendent gentlemen who resided here. Many of 
those in the lanes, and almost every one in the saint 
Pancrass, were thatched. At this present time only 
one dwelling-house there, retains that dangerous 
mode. The streets were paved, it is true, but it was 
in a very indifferent manner : in some places bowlers 
were used, in others small pitchers ; some parts were 
high and some low, and throughout the whole no 
uniformity was observed. In every direction the 
approach to the city, that is, the road just without 
the gate, was dreadfully bad; and particularly those 
without the South and West-gates were, what would 
now be reckoned impassable. 

At the time now under consideration, and for 
many years before, a very considerable traffic was 
carried on here in malt, made in the city, and ex- 
ported to Ireland, and other parts, to the amount of 
several thousand quarters annually, (Sec page 329.) 
The number of making-houses in the city was very 
great, perhaps ten times as many as they are now, 
when the demand for Chichester malt is confined 
almost solely to the city and its vicinity. This gain- 
ful traffic was lost to the city by the avarice of the 

manufacturers. 



Z^6 

manufacturers. It is a difficult matter to establish 
the credit and reputation of any particular article of 
use or consumption; and almost equally difficult, 
after it is fully established, to lose it — but though 
difficult it is not impossible. The makers, instead 
of wetting only prime barley, in order to supply 
the market with a good commodity, used inferior 
grain, bought in the country around at low prices, 
and charged their dealers the highest. The reputa- 
tion of the place supported the trade for several 
years; hut prejudice cannot always bear up and 
maintain its ground against reason and interest. 

About two centuries ago, Chichester nearly. 
if not wholly, monopolised the trade of England in 
needle-making. The business was carried on princi- 
pally in the parish of saint Pan crass, without the 
East-gate : almost every house in which, before the 
time of the civil wars, was occupied by a needle- 
maker. This manufactury is now come to an end ; 
(as mentioned before) Mr. Scale, parish-clerk of 
that parish, who died a few years ago, was the last, 
and for several years before, the only one of that 
occupation. When the city was attacked in the year 
1643, fas mentioned -before,) almost every house 

without 



3 6 7 

without the East-gate, was demolished ; and though 
the houses were afterwards rebuilt, the trade never 
perfectly recovered. After the Revolution, some 
manufactories of this article were established in 
Birmingham and Sheffield; which, though far in- 
ferior to the Chichester needles in quality, yet being 
sent to market at less than one third of the price, 
obtained a sale on that score alone. It is some 
credit to this manufactory that it maintained its re- 
putation of superiority to the very last. Ijt sank 
under the cause just mentioned, and the comparative 
expence of living, in an unequal contest, with its 
northern rivals. 

After the Restoration, the bishop's palace was 
repaired, and rebuilt where rebuilding was necessarv; 
not in a splendid style, but such as answered the 
wishes, and suited the moderation of the worthy 
prelate. In this condition nearly, with several re- 
pairings, it continued till the time of doctor Edward 
Idington, who was installed into the see the 7th 
November, 1724. In 1725 the old fabric was 
wholly taken down, and a new T palace erected on a 
more extensive scale, and more elegant design. In 
digging for the foundation several Roman coins w T ere 

found 



3^8 

found by the workmen, together with a Roman 
pavement: by which it appears that the mansion of 
the praetor, or Roman governor, had stood on that 
individual spot. And it is not too much to suppose 
that the South-Saxon kings resided there too ; tho' 
there be not, as far as I know, any monuments in 
proof of that conjecture. It is averred that they re- 
sided at Kingshani, which is now a farm-house near 
the city. The name which the place still bears, to 
which we may add, the cold-bath there, which is 
entirely paved with the small Roman bricks, make 
this very probable : but may we not suppose that 
the South-Saxon kings had more places of residence 
than one ? Kingsham might be their country-retreat, 
the Kew or Windsor of these plain men, and the 
other the place where they kept their court. At the 
same time, that is, in the year 1725 or 1726, the 
gardens belonging to the bishop, were modelled 
anew, and laid out in a plan of great beauty and 
elegance ; in which condition they remained till the 
time of the present bishop : whether they are im- 
proved by the late changes made in them, I reckon 
not myself competent to determine. It is enough 
that they were made by his lordship's direction, and 
to his satisfaction. ^? 



3% 

We may begin to date the time when the 
dwelling-houses in Chichester began to amend, about 
the year 1730. The deanry-house was built about 
the year 1736 ; the distance is remarkably well chosen, 
but the eye is hurt in viewing the immense dead 
wall that terminates the front above. The house of 
John Williams, esquire, in the West-street, was built 
by Mr. Park, the residentiary — if the prospect had 
been farther withdrawn, the view would have shown 
to more advantage — notwithstanding which, as a re- 
sidence, it is not inferior to any in the city, or 
neighbourhood. Every house that was built anew, 
or underwent a thorough repair, from that date (and 
in some instances some years sooner) was constructed 
upon a more modern and a better plan, more con- 
venient and of better appearance than before. The 
mode of constructing the walls of part timber and 
part bricks was discontinued, and the latter only used. 
The fronts of the houses were raised perpendicularly, 
and not projecting every story, as heretofore. It is 
said that some time back the North-street was in a 
line ( or nearly so ) with the South-street : and the 
present condition of many of the houses in the former 
( especially those near the cross ) makes it very pro* 

b b bable 



- - 



foable that this w;s the case, at some period con- 
abl) distant. We can only say that if the cross was 
ever so situated, it is matter of regret it was ever 
suffered to be shoved from a position so advantageous. 
There is a certain degree of excellence in ail the fine 
arts which is sure to please tie eye or ear of every 
one; and in treating of the cross of Chichester, I 
may be permitted to record the judgment of all who 
ever viewed it with attention, that a mere perfect, 
and I may add,.a more fascinating specimen of archi- 
tecture is no where to be found. The tablets of 
inscription, and the vanes on the pinnacles must be 
excepted from this eulogium.* The former on ac- 
count of the information they give may be excused; 

but 

* The following inscription is on the west-side of the cross : 
tf This beautiful cross erected by Edward Story, bishop of Chi- 
" Chester; who was advanced to that dignity by Edward IV. 1478. 
" Was first repaired in the reign of Charles II. and now again in 
" the twentieth year of our present sovereign George II. 174-6*, 
" Thomas Wall,, mayor, at the sole expence of Charles, fluke of 
" Richmond, Lenox and Aubigny." 

The other inscription is — " Dame Elizabeth Farrington, 
u relict of sir Richard Farrington, baronet, gave this clock, as 
"an hourly memento of her good will to this city, 1724. 
" George Harris, mayor." 

In the former inscription it is to be remarked that the date 
(1478) is not the year in which the cross was erected, but the 

time 



37 1 

but the others have no pretence to be admitted: I am- 
confident that they were no part of the cross origi- 
nally,* but added afterwards by some one destitute 
of true taste. — The cross of Coventry is. an object 
of greater magnitude, and may please some more 
on that account; but size is not essential to beauty, 
in that respect the cupola of saint Stephen's in Wal- 
brook, is not inferior to that of saint Paul's. In 
justness of design, symmetry of parts, and happiness 
of execution, the beautiful cross of Chichester will 
be allowed by the best judges to yield to none in 
the kingdom. 

In 1733 the council-chamber in the North- 
street was built by subscription, to which the duke 
of Somerset, then high-steward of the city, gave* one 
hundred guineas. It is raised on arcades. The or- 
namental part of the building is intended to be, and 
I believe, in part is, in the Ionic order. Adjoining 

b b 2 to 

time when he (bishop Story) was advanced to the sec of Chi- 
chester. As Charles duke of Richmond, Lenox, and Aubigny, 
was at the sole expence of repairing if, the name of the mayor, 
Thomas Wall, might have been left out without any impropriety. 

The lanthorn too I am persuaded is of modern date ; it is 
too high for its diameter, and does not harmonize with the cross 
on which it stands. 



372 



to, and connected with the council-chamber, is the 
assembly-room; which likewise was built by sub- 
scription, about the year 1781 or 1782 — and is an 
elegant, spacious, well-pitched room * The assembly 
is held every fortnight during the winter season ; 
and is honoured by the presence of persons of the 
first rank.f 

In the year 1753 an act of parliament passed 
for uniting the eight parishes of the city, and the 
precinct, called the Close, for the purpose of main- 
taining the poor of the same, under the direction of 
thirty guardians, chosen annually for that purpose by 
the inhabitants of the several parishes, and the Close: 
the high-steward, the mayor, recorder, and justices 
of the peace, are perpetual guardians— but hardly 
ever act, nor attend the meetings, but leave the sole 
management to the thirty elected guardians, who 
meet at the poor-house, the first Monday of every 
month, for the management of the house, and fix- 
ing the rates for fhe support of the poor ; in then* 

also 

* The length, including the recess, 59 feet—breadth 32 feet 
6 inches— height 23 feet 8 inches, 

t In it the concerts are also held— and, the band assisted by 
3-n organ lately erected fcy John Marsh, esquire, 



373 

also is vested the care and direction of the lamps for 
lighting the city. It is unnecessary to inform the 
reader, that after they are regularly sworn into their 
office they are a corporate body, and qualified to 
sue or be sued in the courts of law. 

By the statute of incorporation it is ordained 
that after the 25th day of June, 1753, the house 
without the North-gate, called Cawley's alms-house, 
be appropriated and become the poor-house or work- 
house, of the united parishes, and be settled and 
vested in the corporation of guardians for ever, with 
all the appurtenances thereunto belonging : and also, 
that the two fields adjoining to the road leading from 
Dell-hole to the Broile, be for ever vested in the 
mayor and corporation, in trust, to pay the whole 
of the rents and profits arising from them into the 
hands of the guardians, for the support and mainte- 
nance of the poor. And they are likewise, by the 
statute, authorised to raise money for the benefit of 
the poor by the mortgage or sale of the said fields; 
in virtue of which they were disposed of a. d. 1782. 
in order to raise money to build the new city gaol 
at the East-gate. 

b b 3 The 



374 

The mayor and citizens of 1753 have been 
censured not only for betraying the trust reposed in 
them by the will of Mr. alderman Cawley, and turn- 
ing his charity into a channel very different from 
what he intended and appointed ; but also for peti- 
tioning parliament to sanction and confirm the in- 
justice. That the will of Cawley ought to have been 
fulfilled will readily be acknowledged ; but no blame 
will attach to the memory of the mayor, &c. of 
1753, for violating^ it. To clear this point it will be 
necessary to take a short retrospective view of the 
whole affair. 

In 1625, Mr. alderman Caw r ley, father (or 
perhaps uncle), of Cawley the regicide, founded an 
alms-house, for the residence and maintenance of 
twelve decayed tradesmen of Chichester, and ap- 
pointed the mayor and corporation for the time 
being, his trustees and depositaries of his charity 
for ever. During the time of the civil war in Eng- 
land it is not probable that the intention of the will 
was, or could be regularly fulfilled. From the year 
1648 to 1660, it is reasonable to suppose it had its 
due accomplishment; but not long after, if at all 
after the Restoration. Some of the retainers of the 

court 



75 



court endeavoured to confound the subject of this 
charity with the estate of the regicide which was 
forfeited to the crown ; and though they did not 
succeed,, they prevented it front returning to its due 
channel. To what use the alms-house was put, or 
how the rents and issues of the fields were applied 
after that time for many years, does not appear : it 
is most likely that it was towards lodging and main- 
taining the poor of the city in general ; for we find 
the mayor (Henry Peckham) and citizens, by in- 
denture dated 21st of September, 1681, conveying 
the said alms-house, to be employed as a work-house 
for the poor, and letting it on lease, on conditions 
therein specified, to trustees mentioned, in order to 
establish a manufactury to set the poor to work, &c. 
To suppose that at any part of the time the magis- 
trates of the city, a corporate body, consisting of 
many individuals, conspired together and united in 
order to embezzle the charitable foundation, w r ould 
evince as much weakness as malignity. And as to 
the transactions of 1753, it is hard to conceive in 
what manner the magistrates could' have acted with 
propriety otherwise than they did, 

B b 4 In 



37 s 

In the year 1772 died Mr. John Hardham, 
tobacconist, in Fleet-street, London, a native of 
Chichester; who, by his will, dated the 6th day of 
February, in the same year, left to the guardians of 
the poor the interest of all his estate, (except a few 
legacies to no great amount) " to ease the inhabi- 
(C tants of the said city (as it is expressed in the will) 
" in their poor-rates for ever, and that part of the 
" Pancrass that belongs to the said city." This va- 
luable legacy was subject to the life of Mary Binmore, 
his house-keeper, to whom it was left during her 
natural life, on certain conditions : so that the in- 
habitants did not come to the possession of it till 
the year 1786, to the amount of 653/. per annum. — 
Every man who has acquired property in his life 
time has no doubt a legal right to dispose of it as he 
thinks proper, after his decease, and the world has a 
right to judge of the propriety or impropriety of 
that disposal. . The daughters of Mr. Woodroff 
Drinkwater of Chichester, were very nearly related 
to Mr. Hardham: they were persons of unexception- 
able characters : they fully depended to have come in 
for the bulk of his fortune after his death ; and it was 
then asserted that he had promised one of them to 

leave 



377 

leave her independent on the world. Towards the 
end of the will he says — u I thought it best to leave 
" it as I have done; for now it will be a benefit to 
" the said city for ever — if I had disposed of it in 
" legacies, in a few years the whole would have been 

" annihilated, and come to nothing/' The man 

who is blessed with abundance, has a right to enjoy 
his good fortune as far as reason will permit, as long 
as he lives ; but after he quits this scene the property 
which did belong to him is no longer his, but de- 
volves, in equity, to his nearest relations, except in 
very particular cases. 

Before the war, which began a. d. 1793, the 
average number of the poor of the united parishes, 
was from one hundred and twenty to one hundred 
and fifty ; but ere the close of it the number rose to 
from two hundred and thirty to two hundred and 
fifty of in-door paupers, besides out-door pensioners; 
the number of whom increased in a greater propor- 
tion from many causes, principally from the weekly 
allowances granted by act of parliament to the wives 
and families of militia-men. The annual expence of 
the work-house, from the 26th of April, 1S02, to 
the 18th of April, 1803, according to the general 

statement 



37$ 

statement delivered to the inhabitants was 2558/. 13s, 
including Hardham's annuity. But it is to be ob- 
served that this was a time of peace. Some years 
before the yearly disbursements were considerably 
higher. 

In the year 1791, an act of parliament passed 
te for repealing an act made in the 18th year of queen 
u Elizabeth, entitled an act for paving of the city of 
ei Chichester ; and for the better paving, repairing 
"and cleansing the streets, lanes, and public ways 
" and passages, within the walls of the said city, and 
fC for removing and preventing incroachments, ob- 
" structions, and annoyances therein :" the execu- 
tion of which was vested in commissioners named 
therein ; inhabitants of the city, who were possessed 
of the yearly value of twenty pounds, in buildings 
or land, within the walls of the city of Chichester : 
who were authorized to make and levy rates or assess- 
ments on the owners of houses or lands, within the 
same, cf not more than nine-pence in the pound, 
rack rent ; and to borrow money (not more than 
five thousand pounds) on the security of the said 
assessments, towards carrying into execution the 
purposes of the act. The plan of the new paving is 

different 



379 

different from the former ; in which the gutter or 
kennel, was in the middle of the street ; now it is 
on the sides, and the street raised in the middle and 
rounding towards the foot-path. They (the com- 
missioners) were enabled to remove alj sign-posts, 
water-spouts, gutters, sheds, and every encroach- 
ment or annoyance whatever ; by the due and full 
execution of which they have added to the elegance 
and salubrity of the city. It was in contemplation, 
three or four years before it was done, to have re- 
paired the streets under the direction of the mayor 
and corporation ; but as a jealousy prevailed in the 
minds of the inhabitants, that the main design of the 
intended act was to obtain an increase of power and 
influence for the corporation, injurious to the rights 
of the other inhabitants, the plan was therefore op- 
posed, and the measure relinquished, or rather put 
off for the present : and when revived in 1790, the 
offensive clause was altered, and the direction and 
execution of the act committed to commissioners; 
who, it is but justice to say, have discharged the 
trust repcscd in them with credit to themselves, and 
advantage to the city ; which was always esteemed 
an healthy place, and must be more so now, as the 

air 



3§o 

air circulates as freely in every part of it as in the 
open iieicls, and almost as pure; as every nuisance 
is removed from thence, and every impurity,, th& 
parent and nurse of disease — a truth which cannot 
be too often, nor too strongly, impressed upon men 
in society. 



CHAPTER 



ss* 



sasm 



CHAPTER XXV. 

OF THE PRESENT STATE OF THE CITY THE FOUR GATES—* 

WHEN TAKEN DOWN. OF THE TOWER BY WHOM BUILT 

MEASUREMENT OF THE CHURCH THE CHOIR. SAINT 

MARTIN'S CHURCH N^W-BUILT BY WHOM. THE GUILD- 
HALL. SCHOOLS IN THE CITY, &C. 



1 HIS part of the subject I have in great measure 
anticipated : I shall therefore only add a few particu* 
lars for the information of strangers. The domestic 
building in every part of the kingdom, is greatly 
improved within the last forty or fifty years ; but in 
few places more than in Chichester. The dwelling- 
houses in the four principal streets, in that part 
called the Pallant, and the greatest part of those in 
the Little-London, are above mediocrity. In the 
North-street in particular, though none of them have 
any pretence to grandeur, they are large, neat, clean 
and pleasant. In no part it must be owned, is there 
uniformity. Every one in building adopts the plan 

which 



3 3 



which he thinks is most convenient for him, and 
regular v the who) is timstances may c 

or his Xi on have 

a powe i this small 

inconv *nde, it *3 a pv>.v :i vv/hich they have with 
much propriety declined V enforce. As the pave- 
ment of the streets, and the spacious foot-path on 
each side, is kept exceedingly clean ; and no dirt or 
nuisance of any kind suffered to remain there but 
the least time possible ; it is plain that this care must 
contribute greatly to preserve the health of the inha- 
bitants, at the same time it gives to the houses a 
better and more comfortable appearance. And it 
may be averred, without fear of contradiction, that 
there is no town in England, great or little, that is 
kept cleaner than this : to which end its situation is 
favourable, as it stands on a gentle eminence, the 
highest part of which is at or near, the cross, or cen- 
ter of the city. It was mentioned before, that Chi- 
chester enjoys the advantage of plenty of most ex- 
cellent water; an advantage which cannot easily be 
prized too high : the river Lavant forms here a semi- 
circle, and encompasses the walls on part of the 
east-side, all the south-side, and part of the west. — 

The 



3^3 



The wall which surrounds the city, and the bastions,, 
(except one mentioned before of later date) appear 
evidently to have been built by the Romans. In the 
year 1803, some coins were found among the rub- 
bish dug from under the North-walls, inscribed dex 
faustince, the goddess of good-fortune — expressing a 
wish for the future prosperity of the place ; and it 
is known that it was customary with that people to 
throw such pieces, together with their latest coins, 
into the foundation of their public works in general. 
The mortar was become as hard as a rock, so that it 
would hardly yield to the workmen's pickax'-s. — 
About the year 1772 or 1773, three gates (the 
North, West and South) were taken down, in order 
both to enlarge the prospect, and give a freer cir- 
culation to the air. The East-gate, because it sup- 
ported the city-gaol, was not taken down till the 
year 1783, at which time the gaol was new built, on 
the south-side of the place where the gate had been. 
If the houses in the triangle opposite to, and with- 
out the former East-gate were taken down, and the 
ground raised higher, it would add greatly both to 
the beauty and convenience of that entrance to the 
city, on a quarter where it is must defective, or 

rather 



3*4 

rather less compleat. Mr. Bull, about forty years 
ago, by a writ of " ad quod damnum" shut up the 
public road leading from the East-street, (by Baffin's 
lane) to the South-wall, and from thence going on 
to the South-gate. 

I mentioned before that the present church of 
Chichester was built by Seffrid II. the seventh bishop 
thereof, finished and consecrated by him a. d. 1199. 
Walter of Coventry, one of the most renowned 
architects in England, it is most probable, had the 
superintendence and direction of the whole under- 
taking .* That the stone was brought from Normandy 
will hardly be questioned, by any who have seen the 
other churches, which are confessedly built from the 

same 

* According to Mr. Clarke's conjecture — " the spire of the 
* church of Chichester was built by the same workmen that built 
" Salisbury spire." This is by no means probable, to say the 
least of it— the former was finished a. d. 1199, perhaps sooner, 
and that of Salisbury almost sixty years later, in the year 1256. 
In the following pages the reader will find the copy of a ms. 
written by the late Mr. William Clarke, residentiary of Chichester, 
about the year 1750, at the desire of bishop Mawson, entitled 
V The Antiquities of Chichester Cathedral/'— to which I have 
subjoined my reasons for dissenting from his opinion in several 
particulars. Mr. C. was a person of great erudition, an indefa- 
tigable investigator of antiquity— and therefore, with this just 

eulogium, 



385 

same quarry * We need only view the adjoining 
tower, built of Portland stone, to be convinced that 
the materials of the church were not brought from 
thence. According to the tradition, the great bell 
tower, which contains a ring of eight musical bells, 
was built bv R. Riman, of Appledram, where he 
had an estate ; and where he intended to have built 
him a castle to reside in ; but was inhibited by the 
king, (Edward III.) and that therefore, with the 
stones which he had provided, he builded the tower. 
Some part of this tradition, it is most likely, is true; 
but it is most probable that the stones were pur- 
chased of him by bishop Langton, and that it was he 
and not Riman that built the said tower. He was a 
person of great wealth and of equal munificence; 
and is known to have been a great benefactor to 
the church, over which he presided more than thirty 

c c years. 

culogium, I have thought it fair to lay his researches and opinion 
on this subject before my readers, that they may judge for them- 
selves — assuring them, that what I have written on this head I 
have extracted with all the care that I could from Le Neve's Fasti, 
Camden's Britannia, Dugdale's Monasticon, &c. 

• The metropolitan church of Canterbury, &c. was built 
about 10 89, 



386 

years. In the table of inscription, erected to his 
memory in the church, there is indeed no mention 
made of this circumstance ; which may easily be ac- 
counted for by supposing (as was most probably 
the case) that the charge of the structure was de- 
frayed partly by him, and principally from the public 
funds belonging to the church. 

The church, from its first erection to the pre- 
sent time, has undergone many repairs, the dates 
and other particulars of w T hich cannot now be ascer- 
tained. The last was in the year 1791, when Mr, 
Metcalfe, canon-residentary, was commoner, under 
whose direction between eleven and twelve thousand 
pounds were laid out for that purpose ; and double 
that sum, and more, if their funds would have admit- 
ted of it, might have been applied to the same pur- 
pose with much advantage. 

Measurement of the Church, 



Length of the church within, exclusive of the 

pediment • * 

Breadth ditto, west-end » • • • 

Ditto east-end 

Length of transept, including the Subdeanry • • 

The intercolumniations, • • • 

The length of the choir* •••-••••••••• 



} 



feet. 


Intkts. 


310 


8 


90 


7 


62 


6" 


130 


6 


10 


9 


99 







The. 



387 



Fed, Inches,. 

The breadth of the same 36 6 

The length of the pediment without • • 65 

The breadth of the same 26 6 

The length of the Subdeanry from east to west • • 6-i 3 

The height of the spire •- 297 

The height of the bell-tower 120 

In the year 1720 or 1721, the spire was struck 
by lightning; when several large stones were preci- 
pitated from it with extreme violence; particularly- 
one of about three-quarters of an hundred weight, 
was diiven on the houses on the north-side of the 
West-street, and fell on the premises now Mr. M linn's, 
attorney, without doing any damage. It was feared 
the whole spire would have fallen; the probable 
consequence of which would have been the demoli- 
tion of the greatest part of the church : but on being 
surveyed, it was found that though a considerable 
breach was made in the spire about forty feet from 
the top ; yet the other parts were firm and uninjured. 
It was therefore soon after repaired in a manner so 
compleat that the place cannot now be distinguished * 

c c 2 The 

* This stone is said to have been of a ton weight. A very 
improbable story ! A stone of that size was not wanted at almost 

the 



§88 



The choir is exceedingly neat, having, not 
many years ago, been repaired and beautified at a 
considerable expence. In the east-end of the church 
(that is, the part which forms the pediment) is an 
elegant library, containing a considerable collection 
of valuable books ; originally this was a chapel, dedi- 
cated to saint Michael : it appears not to have been 
built at the same time as the other part of the edifice, 
but to have been added to it about the time of 
Edward I. and perhaps later. Under the library is a 
spacious vault, belonging to the ducal family of 
Richmond; to the north of which, and adjoining, is 
the dormitory of the family of Miller, late of Lavant, 
baronets. On the south-side of the library is the 
elegant monument of doctor Edward Waddington, 
who filled the episcopal chair of Chichester from the 
year 1724 to 1731 : a man, whose life (according 
to the character he has left behind him ) was so blame- 
less, and his manners so engaging ; whose integrity 
was so exemplary, and his piety so sincere, that too 
much cannot be said in his praise. 



There 

the top of a spire — nor could it have been raised thither— and if it 
could the lightning that could have tossed such a weight almost an 
hundred and twenty yards must have laid the whole spire in the 
dust I 



3^9 

There are six parish-churches within the walls, 
(besides that of saint Pancrass without the east-gate, 
and the place where that of saint Bartholomew once 
stood, which is now only a burying ground) namely 
that of saint Peter the great, alias the Subdeanry 
(within the cathedral) saint Peter the less, saint 
Olave's, saint Andrew's, All Saints, and saint Mar- 
tin's. Which last, in 1802 and 1803 was repaired, 
and it may be said new built, at an expence of not 
less than seventeen hundred pounds, by the pious 
munificence of Mrs. Dear — a lady equally studious 
to shun as she is to deserve praise ; for which reason, 
that I may not give real offence, I shall only farther 
add, on this head, that the architect (Mr. Brookes) 
is entitled to just commendation for raising the fabric 
solid and strong ; though not heavy, the very view 
carries in it the idea of strength and durability ; at 
the same time that the mariner is no despicable imi- 
tation of the Gothic style, the style best suited to 
sacred architecture. 

The guildhall is an antient, spacious structure, 
by no means magnificent. It was formerly the chapel 
of the convent of Grey friars. In digging lately close 
by the hustings, in order to erect galleries for the 

c c 3 grand 



39° 

grand and petit-juries, they found the remains of 
some of the brothers, who had been deposited there 
near the altar : but as only the solid bones remained, 
it could not be ascertained, nor any probable con- 
jecture formed from thence, how long they had lain 
there. 

Mercy, the most endearing attribute of the 
Deity, is the most amiable quality in man. The 
stern features of justice, unsoftened by clemency, 
present a countenance too hard to be viewed with- 
out disgust. Humanity forms the most prominent, 
and the most amiable trait of the national cha- 
racter; and therefore the makers of our laws, in the 
formation of the penal code, supposed this national 
bias to operate in full force, to influence the bench, 
to warm the breast, and sway the verdict of every 
juryman. Where this pounterpoise is removed (if 
any where) or by any means ceases to operate, the 
intention of the legislature is balked, and the boast 
of an Englishman, trial by jury, rendered a delusive 
shadow ! The humanity of the present Recorder of 
Chichester, Mr. Steele, which, together with his dis- 
criminating knowledge, has procured him the esteem 
@nd veneration of his cotemporaries, will embalm 

his 



39 1 



his memory to posterity when the tribute of ap- 
probation and praise, contained in these pages, is 
perished. 

In the West-street is the grammar-school, 
founded by bishop Story, a. d. 1497, for the educa- 
tion of the sons of the freemen of the city, endowed 
with the prebend of Highley, (in the gift of the 
dean and chapter) under which are held the great 
and some of the small tithes of the parish of Siddle- 
sham, &c. The Latinity of the learned had declined 
in purity for a considerable time — and therefore the 
good bishop did what he could to restore that purity : 
besides which consideration, though learning was 
not at that time altogether confined to the professions, 
it was far from being so diffused as he wished it to 
be. In the same year, 1497, the great Erasmus came 
into England (as said before) with intention to have 
introduced the knowledge of the Greek language 
here. Whether the worthy prelate was personally 
known to Erasmus, and the other great names which 
at that time illuminated this horizon, I cannot say; 
certain it is that he exerted himself, if not in con- 
junction with them, at least in the same laudable 
undertaking — the promotion of useful learning. 

c c 4 In, 



39 2 

In the West-street is likewise the free-school, 
founded a. d. 1702, by Oliver Whitby, with a par- 
ticular regard to navigation, endowed with lands to 
maintain a master and twelve boys, that is, four from 
Chichester, four from West- Wittering, and the like 
number from Harting. The boys wear a uniform of 
blue, lined with yellow, with a cap or bonnet of the 
same (blue) colour. 

There is also a charity school, for cloathing 
and educating twenty-two poor boys, whose uniform 
is grey ; and twenty poor girls in blue. 

Agreeable to the charter, the mayor is chosen 
annually, on the Monday before Michaelmas, from 
among the aldermen and common-council ; but it is 
to be remarked, that the nomination of the high- 
steward generally, if not always, determines the 
election. He (the mayor) has a court of requests, 
for the recovery of small debts. In his public capa- 
city he is attended by four sergeants at mace, with 
a crier, &c. Four justices of the peace are likewise 
chosen from the aldermen. 

There are five annual fairs holden in the city 
and suburbs ; namely on saint George's day, Whit- 
Monday, saint James's day, Michaelmas fair, old stile, 

and 



393 

and Sloe fair ten days after. The weekly markets 
are held on Wednesdays and Saturdays; and are 
plentifully supplied from the country for several 
miles round, with various articles of daily consump- 
tion. During the season abundance of oysters are 
brought to the fish-shambles, mostly from Ems worth, 
which if not superior are certainly not inferior to 
any England — a great deal larger than the Melton 
oysters, so much esteemed in London, and not in- 
ferior to them, either in flavour or taste. The neigh- 
bouring coast supplies the market with plenty of 
lobsters, crabs, prawns, and several other kinds of 
fish — Worthing with mackarel — and Arundel with 
mullet. 

Formerly the corn-market was kept on Satur- 
day in the North-street ; and sold in kind, and not by 
sample. But lately, by the change of various cir- 
cumstances, that way became inconvenient and almost 
impracticable. And therefore all the wheat, and 
nearly the whole of the business (of grain) is done 
by sample, and that principally on the beast-market 
day instead of Saturday. 

The beast-market, holden every second Wed- 
nesday throughout the year invariably, for black 

cattle, 



394 

cattle, sheep and hogs, is by much the greatest of 
any in this or the neighbouring counties, that of 
London excepted. Not only the city, but the country 
round for many miles is supplied from thence. To 
it the Portsmouth butchers regularly resort- — and not 
seldom the carcase butchers from London attend it. 
It is kept in the East-street, the whole of which is 
occupied on market-days, and more than half of the 
North-street. The black cattle pay nothing, and 
only the coops (for sheep and hogs) pay an ac- 
knowledgment of six-pence a coop, to the corpora- 
tion. At present the full produce of this toll is not 
less, but rather more than 130/. per annum. About 
ten or eleven years ago the clear amount of the said 
toll, deducting all attending charges, was very little 
more than seventy pounds. A sufficient proof of 
the great increase of the market in a few years. 

The general-post comes in every forenoon, 
except Monday, and goes out every afternoon at 
four o'clock, except Saturday. The cross-posts to 
the eastward and westward also go out and come 

jn every day in the week. The London 

C-oach leaves Chichester Monday, Wednesday, and 

Friday 



395 

Fridays mornings, and returns Tuesdays, Thursdays 

and Saturdays the fare is now 22*. It puts up 

at the Bolt-in-ton, Fleet-street, and the Golden Cross, 
Charing Cross. The Portsmouth coach goes from 
and returns to Chichester every day. The waggons 
go three times a week to London, and inn at the 
Talbot and White-Hart, in the Borough. By these 
large quantities of wool, the produce of the sur- 
rounding country, are sent to London, and from 
thence conveyed to Yorkshire, and the other wool- 
manufacturing counties in the north of England. 

A dispensary, supported by annual subscrip- 
tion, for the relief of the sick poor, was established 
in the city a. d. 1784, principally by the reverend 
Mr. Walker, and doctor Sanden — the former, the 
patron of the -poor, and the friend of the helpless — and 
the latter, a gentleman distinguished no less by his 
professional abilities, than for his humane attention, 
to the sufferings of his fellow-creatures. 

The custom-house is in the West-street, hav- 
ing been removed thither from saint Martin's square, 
a few years ago by order of the commissioners. 

The theatre is at the lower end of the South-r 
street. It was repaired, or rather rebuilt, a. d. 1791, 

b 7 



39^ 

by the late Mr. Andrews of Chichester. The ex- 
terior part is not inelegant,, within it is roomy and 
convenient ; and will contain fifty or sixty pounds. 
The same company perform likewise at Portsmouth, 
Winchester, and Southampton. They are under the 
management of Mr. Collins ; and are not inferior to 
what are usually found on a country-stage. 

There are two banking-houses in the city, both 
in the East-street. The one (Griffiths, Drew, and 
Ridge) established in the year 1779; and the other 
(Francis and John Diggens) a few years later. Each 
of them stands on the firm foundation of property to 
a very great amount. From the respectable cha- 
racters of the gentlemen of both firms, it is not 
doubted but that in case of a public convulsion, 
(which may God avert) they would indemnify the 
holders of their promissory notes with bullion — or 
real property. And in that light, to those who en- 
tertain any fears of such a crisis, the notes of the 
banks of Chichester are more eligible than those of 
more pompous firms. 

The present chapter consists of the dean and 
four prebendaries called to residence ; and therefore 
called canons resident. It is said that formerly, the 

bishop 



397 

the bishop, the dean, the chanter, the chancellor, 
the treasurer, the two arch-deacons, dignitaries, and 
the thirty prebendaries, composed the chapter. The 
service of the choir is performed by four minor 
canons, called vicars-choral — assisted in the vocal 
part by four singing-men and six singing-boys of 
the choir. One of the present residentiaries was 
raised to that station from among the minor-canons, 
or vicars-choral. When men of learning, merit, and 
piety, are patronised and advanced by the great, they 
(the great) thereby evince, in the most satisfactory 
manner, their reverence for the established religion 
of their country, and the welfare of the public; as 
by an opposite conduct they show their contempt 
for both ! 

The city sends two representatives to the house 
of commons, who are chosen by the inhabitants at 
large — that is, by those who pay the church and 
poor-rates. There are about four hundred and fifty 
electors, besides several honorary freemen, who do 
not pay scot and lot ; whose votes were notwith- 
standing declared to be valid by a decision in the 
court of King's Bench, a. d. 1782 — in the cause, the 
late Bryan Edwards vers. Percy Wyndham, whereby 

the 



39 s 

the election of the latter for Chichester was con- 
firmed. As to the real state of these matters in the 
city, it is not necessary to be explicit — the general 
state of the representation of the boroughs through- 
out England is well known, and that of Chichester 
I believe to be in unison with the rest. 

To estimate the manners and principles of the 
people, to appreciate the virtues or vices of the in- 
habitants, I reckon not to be within the legitimate 
limits of this undertaking. I might be suspected of 
partiality, or blamed for illiberal censure. And 
therefore all that I shall say on the subject is, that 
with a very extraordinary degree of humanity in 
compassionating and relieving the distresses of their 
fellow-creatures, and a generous liberality of senti- 
ment in judging the actions of men — with these two 
exceptions in their favour, the inhabitants of Chi- 
chester stand nearly on a level with their neighbours. 
They who believe in the influence of climate will 
readily assent to this representation, and there are 
not many who will dispute that influence to a certain 
degree— though few who can fix that degree with 
precision. However, it is acknowledged that the 
serenity and mildness of the air generally produces a 

correspondent 



399 

correspondent mildness of disposition : and we know 
that where humanity has erected her throne, thither 
the virtues choose to resort, and fix their residence 
in her gentle domain. 

The limits of the port of Chichester, and the Key-Dues 

Belonging to the Corporation. 

In the thirty-second year of the reign of king 
Charles II. a commission was issued by him, to cer- 
tain persons therein mentioned, " to enquire into 
" the extent and limits of the port of Chichester, 
'■ and the members thereof." Which commission, 
and the return of the commissioners, " are in the 
records of his majesty's court of exchequer," in the 
date of 1680. 

By the commission it appears that the port of 
Chichester is the head, and all the other ports in tho 
county, Arundel, Shoreham, Lewes, ( Newhaven ) Rye, 
and Ilythe, members thereof. 

The return of the commissioners to the barons 
of the exchequer, says — " We (&c.) do hereby set 
:i down, appoint, and settle the extent, bounds, and 
(\ limits of the said port of Chichester to be " from 

" the 



400 

"the Hermitage-bridge, (near Emsworth) on the 
<l further confines of Sussex, westward — from thence 
" down the whole channel or river running south- 
{i ward to the harbour's mouth, called Hormouth — 
il from thence in a (supposed) line eastward to Selsea- 

" bill thence eastward to Pagham-point, at the 

" mouth of Undering-harbour — thence to the most 
" eastern part of the parish of Felpham, in the county 
iS of Sussex aforesaid — so back again to Hormouth, 
" and so by the river north-east to the key com- 
i{ monly known and called by the name of Dell- 
" key, situated in the parish of Appledram. Together 
" with all bays, channels, roads, bars, strands, har- 
s( bonrs, havens, rivers, streams, creeks, and places 
" within the said limits contained/' 

The limits of the quay or key are by the same 

thus determined to be " We have assigned, and 

" by these presents, &g. do appoint, all that open 
" place or key, commonly known and called by the 
<e name of Dell-key, containing in length on the 
" south-side of the said ke>, ninety-two feet or there- 
<c ab.outs, and on the north-side eighty-six feet or 
" thereabouts — and in breadth, at the head of the 
<( said key, within twenty-three feet of the utmost 

<s angular 



40i 

* angular point, forty-nine feet or thereabouts. 
" Which said place so assigned and appointed, is in 
**" our judgments and discretions, most convenient 
<( and fit for the uses and services aforesaid, ( namely 
" the landing or discharging- — the lading or shipping 
' c of goods, wares, or merchandise. ) And we do 
" hereby prohibit and debar all other places within 
" the port of Chichester from the benefit of a place, 
" key, or wharf, &c." — The return is signed by 
William Costellow, mayor — Robert Tayer, customer 
— Christopher Williams, collector — Charles Osborne, 
surveyor-general — Freeman Howse, comptroller — 
Robert Bradshaw, surveyor at Chichester. 

In the year 1685, the mayor, aldermen, and 
citizens, let on lease unto Robert Tayer, all the dues, 
duties, customs, &c. commonly called key-dues, be- 
longing to the corporation of Chichester, for five 
years at 36 1, per annum. To which lease was annexed 
for his regulation — a schedule of the dues, duties, 
customs, petty customs, measurage and anchorage, 
due and payable to the mayor, aldermen and citizens 
of the city of Chichester, for all goods and merchan- 
dise, and vessels within the port of Chichester afore- 
said, and granted by the indenture aforesaid, viz. 

d d Bacon 



402 

S. D. 

Bacon, a last or thirty flitches 1 8 

Barrels, to wit, ten. barrels • ♦ • '• • . - • . ] 8 

Butter, the last or ten firkins • 1 8 

Bales of cloth, the pack 6 

Barrel-boards, per thousand 6 

Bank-fish, per hundred • • « ...... o 4 

Canvas, the pack mayled o 4 

Calves* skins, the dozen - ••••0 4 

Cards for wool, the pack, •••••• . . . . , o 4 

Cards for playing, the dryvat • • » 1 

Chesse, per hundred weight - 1 

Cloth, the piece full length • . o 1 

Cod fish, the burthen, or twenty-one fishes • • 1 

Glass, the case * • * ........ » ? . . . . , .0 1 

Hoops, the hundred dozen - 4 

herrings white, the last or ten barrels .0 10 

Herrings red, the card or barrel • 1 

Hops, the bag or poke 2 

Iron wrought, the tun ........... 2 

Iron cast, the tun • 3 

Lead, the fother or tun weight • 4 

Leather hides, the dicker or ten hides 5 

Metal, brass, pewter and copper, the hundred weight 1 

Mackarel, the thousand 4 

Oil, the hogshead 2 

Oil, the barrel 1 

Oade, the ton * 4 

Oysters, every boat ................ o 2 

Mill-stones, the pair. . . . f .-... , .. ...o 1 

Quern-stones, the pair o 4 

Tomb-stones, the pair . - 2 

Grind-stones, the pair • 6 

Purbec-stones, the tun .- 4 

^hovels, the hundred 5 

Timber 



403 

S. Di 

Timber or plank, the load 2 

Tar, the barrel Of- 

Wine, the tun 4 

Wood, the cord or one hundred billets 2 

Vinegar or Verjuice, the tun » 4- 

Trenchers, the pack 1 

Deal-boards, the hundred 4 

Sea-coal, the chaldron - . 4 

All other merchandise not herein mentioned, the tun 4? 
For anchorage of every vessel coming in or going 1 Q 

out of the said port 5 

Malt twenty quarters < p 



Freemen 8 

'oreigncrs 1 6 

Wheat, barley, salt, or any other grain { Freemen Of 

per quarter ( Foreigners 1 



AH which dues, duties, customs, petty customs, 
measurage and anchorage, have from time imme- 
morial been duly, and until lately, (saith my record) 
regularly paid. 

By which it would appear that at some time 
these dues had not been regularly paid, but when 
that was we are not informed. 

In the history of Lewes there is an account 
(taken from the patent or court-rolls) of the dues 
or customs payable on goods coming to the said 
town for sale ; by which it appears that the duties 
there, even at that early date (the 8th of Edward III. 
A. d. 1334) were very little, if any thing, lower than 

n d 2 those 



4 04 

those in the preceeding schedule. A bale of cloth, 
brought in a cart, paid two-pence,— every cask 
(dolio) of wine and pot-ashy three half-pence — every 
cart load of iron, one penny — every loaded barge, 
three-pence, &c. From which it is reasonable to 
conclude that the key- dues in the preceeding table 
are the same as settled originally ; and that they 
have not varied nor increased from the first appoints 
ment to the present time. 

The members of the corporation are charge-? 
3.ble with only one half of the dues ; eveiy other 
person pays the whole, as in the table, 



CHAPTER 



405 



CHAPTER XXVL 

OF THE' PORTRAITS AND PAINTINGS IN THE CHURCH. THE 

MANUSCRIPT OF THE LATE MR. CLARKE WITH SOME OB- 
SERVATIONS THEREON AND LIKEWISE ON THE HISTO- 
RICAL PAINTING IN THE TRANSEPT OF THE CATHEDRAL, 



An account of the pictures and paintings in the south 
transept of the cathedral. 

. JN the north-side of the transept are the portraits 
of all the kings of England from William the Con- 
queror to George I. over which is written 

Confiteantur tibi omnes reges terrx, quia tu es 
?nagnus rex super omnes reges. Recta est via qiue 
ducit ad vitam. 

In English, Let all the kings of the earth con- 
fess to thee, for thou, Lord, art a great king above 
all kings. Straight is the way which leads to life. 

In the interview between saint Wilfrid and 
Ceadwalla, king of Sussex, Wilfrid says to the king, 
writ on a scroll — Da servis dei locum habit ationis 

d d 3 propter 



4o5 

propter deum. In English. Give to the servants of 
God a dwelling-place for God's sake. Ceadwalla 
answers — Fiat sicut petitur . In English. Let it be as 
thou desirest. 

In the interview between Henry VIII. and 
bishop Shurborne — Shurborne says to the king, writ 
on a scroll — Most holy king, I would be glad to finish 
thy church of Chichester, now a cathedral, just as 
Ceadwalla, king of Sussex, for jnerly finished the church 
of Selsea, once a cathedral one. Henry VIII. answers 
to Shurborne, on a scroll — For the love of thy zeal, 
what thou askest I grant. 

Underneath is, Operibus credite. In English. 
Believe the works. 

In the south-side of the transept are the por- 
traits of the bishops of Selsea and Chichester, from 
Wilfrid to the Reformatio!? . Beneath the picture of 
Wilfrid is the character and account of him in Latin, 
which bishop Shurborne chose to give : the transla- 
tion of which is as follows : — (f Saint Wilfrid, arch- 
'* bishop of York, taking a journey to the South- 
" Saxons, and finding them as yet pagans, by his 
(C preaching of the holy word of God, baptized 
" with the water of the holy baptism, Ceadwalla 

i( their 



407 

u their king, together with his wife,, and the said 
" South-Saxons, which Ceadwalla afterwards going 
" to Rome, obtained of pope Sergius, the gift of 
" consecration, and dying there, w T as buried near 
'I saint Peter. — But Wilfrid, whilst yet living, did 
" not cease to perform miracles. For in the island 
(C of Selsea, there had been no rain for the space of 
tc three years, whence great plagues and famines 
". followed, But on his arrival rain fell in abundance, 
u and watered the ground, and the plagues and the 
• c famine ceased. Likewise, while the same priest of 
" God was at the holy mass, he saw in a vision from 
" Heaven, the death of king Egfrid, in a battle 
" fought against the Picts, on the death of which 
" king he returned to the see of York. He lies 
" honourably buried in Rippon church, which he 
fC had built/' 

The account of saint Richard is likewise in 
Latin, of which the following is a translation. " Saint 
" Richard was very useful and beneficial to the church 
" of Chichester, and its bishoprick. Various were 
rr his miracles. In his life time he always studied to 
" fill the poor with the word of God and alms. On 
ff which a great multitude of people, at a place called 

dd4 Ferring, 



4o8 

" Ferring, and from all sides, flocked to see him, scr 
" that master Simon of Ferring, as yet a guest or 
ee stranger in his house, wondering, seeing so great 
" a multitude, said, the bread in the house will not 
t{ be sufficient for every one to take a little. To 
(C whom he answered, let all come, and the Lord will 
*' give. And when they were all satisfied, the same 
i: master Simon, after their departure, in counting 
" the loaves, said he had as many as before their re- 
" freshment. And God vouchsafed to honour him 
" with the same miracle as yet living in his own 
" manor of Cackham. He died in the year of our 
« Lord, 1252" 

A COPY 

Of the ms. of the late Revd. Mr. Clarke, entitled 

a The Antiquities of the Cathedral of Chichester: " 

With some Remarks on the same, and on the 
Historical Painting. 

<! I was surprised that the dean of Exeter, In 
s( such a transient view of this church, should dis- 
" tinguish the several dates of the building so exactly. 
" I entirely agree with him that the greatest part of 

" the 



409 

H the inside walls of the nave, choir, and transept, 
'* are bishop Ralph's work. The round arches, the 
" clumsy dancette (or rather pouch-headed) pillars, 
(i have the marks of that age, as the remains of his 
•'•' building. * Henry I. was the great contributor to> 
" this original structure. Malmsbury says of bishop 
•* Ralph — * Ecclesiam suam, quam a novo fecerat, 
" liberalitate potissimum regis fecit." What bishop 
M SefTrid did was probably a great work, but much 
u less considerable. Many of the fine things men- 
■ tioned in the table, doctor Lyttleton speaks of as 
" of no authority. All that the annals of Winchester 
<{ say of him is — ci Dedicata est ecclesia Cicestriae a 
iC Seffrido ejusdem loci episcopo, a. d. 1199, 2d idus 
u Septembris :" and again, u Obik Seffiridus episco- 
f * pus Cicestria?, a. d. 1204." The annals are so far 
" from giving him any eulogium upon the account 
"of his buildings, that they say nothing of them. 
" In a ms. catalogue of the bishops older than bishop 
? Shurborne, belonging to the church, the account 
*'• is — " Seffridus reasdificavit Cicestriam et domos 
" suas in palatio." Not a word mentioned of the 
" church, which would most probably have been par- 
f - ticularly specified, had it been entirely burned 
"down," -And 



4*6 

" And from hence I think it may be justly eon- 
" eluded, that the church was only damaged in this 
" fire, and perhaps the roof quite destroyed : for it 
sc is scarce possible that such pillars and arches of 
" stone should be entirely reduced to asltes by a lire. 
" Bishop Godwin places the second fire> not as the 
« table in 1185, but as it should be, in 1187. cc So 
<e lioveden ad a. d. 1187. Combusta est fere tota 
(i Civitas Cicestria cum ecclesia sedis pontificalis, et 
iC domibus episcopi, et canonicorum," (page 640.) 
" Of the former fire in bishop Ralph's time, he says, 
" Civitas Cicestrias cum principali monaste.rio 38* 
tc non : Maij flammis consuminata est a. d. 1114/' 
" (p. 473.) And Malmsury's account is, "fortuitus 
" ignis ecclesiam pessundedisset." Bishop Seffrid's 
** repairs, at this distance of time, are scarce possi- 
<c ble to be distinguished from bishop Ralph's origi- 
" nal work, unless some pillars, which have carved 
t( and lighter capitals, and which support the upper- 
" most round arches, and the two towers at the west 

* c end, are part of them. But whatever bishop 

" Serlnd did, it is certain that all the great improve- 
" ments in the present fabric, were after his time, 
" r.he successive work of several bishops, Aquila, 

" Poore, 



4 11 

tf Poore, Wareham, and Neville. Aquila, who by 
" his name should be of noble family in this county, 
" which had then very considerable possessions in it, 
" was the person who begun this w T ork. This appears 
" by the patent rolls in the eighth of king John, a 
" few years after the death of SefTrid, where there is 
cc a royal licence granted to the bishop of Chichester 
" to import materials for repairing the church: — 
" Licentia episcopi Cicestrensi ducendi marmor suum 
" per mare aPurbeckad reparationen ecclesiae Cices- 
M trensis." This was the be^inninor of the most con- 
" sidcrable additions to bishop Ralph's fabric, and 
'* shows that doctor Littleton's conjecture is right 
" that the stone came from Purbeck, and not from 
« Caen." 

* About eight years after the date of this licence, 
" Poore succeeded Aquila. There can be no doubt 
" but he carried on the work. He was the greatest 
'[ builder of his age : the foundation of the present 
" church of Salisbury is a sufficient monument of his 
* taste and magnificence. He was here but a short 
(c time ; and the repairs of this church were very 
ff far from being finished by him, or his successor, 
" bishop Wareham." 

« This 



412 

S( This we are sure of, because bishop Neville 
* f who succeeded, expresses great concern for re-^ 
* pairing the fabric. The first of his statutes in 
" 1232, is to make a provision for this work. He 
€C assigns the twentieth part of all the preferments in 
*i the church for that purpose, and the reason given 
ie in the statute is, ec quia ecclesia multiplici repara- 
& tione indigere dignoscitur." And the whole work 
" was probably finished in his, or the beginning of 
" his successor's time. For bishop Richard's consti- 
" tutions say nothing more of the fabric, but that 
<c the old statute of bishop Simon should be revised, 
<c (i. e.) upon every promotion. " Medietas pre- 
" benda? usibus ecclesias applicetur." This shows 
" that they were then carrying on no great work ; 
<c otherwise he would not have altered the provisions 
sc made for it by bishop Neville's statutes, and left 
" the funds to support it upon so uncertain a founda- 
u tion as that of coming into a new preferment." 

" We have a tradition here, that the spire was 
" built by the same workmen that built Salisbury 
" spire; and this account is very credible; it was 
li certainly built about the same time ; the work is 
" in the same taste and manner. The church of 

" Salisbury 



4^3 

u Salisbury was finished about the year 1256, the 
" fourth of Henry III" 

" The letters upon the tomb which is on the 
" north-side of the duke of Richmond's vault, are 
(i not Willielmus, but Radulphus Epus ; it is bishop 

* Ralph's monument, the builder of the church, and 
" one of the oldest monumental inscriptions in Eng- 
" land. One of the opposite tombs is probably Sef- 
" frid's. The work is in the same taste as bishop 
" Ralph's monument. It was a sort of fashion to bury 
" their great benefactors, the builders, or restorers 
u of churches, near one another. Thus at Salisbury, 
u the two bishops that finished that noble fabric, 
u bishop Bingham and William of York, lie opposite 
u to each other in the verv same manner in their 
" presbytery. Whose the other monument is, there 
tc is now no knowing. It may be bishop Hilary's ; 
te for as Seffrid II. was from the beginning preferred in 
" the church by his influence, he might choose to be 

* deposited close to his great patron and benefactor.'* 

" The monument on the north-side of the 
" kings, behind the stalls, is saint Richard's. It was 
" formerly much adorned ; and some remains of it 
" appear at this time. There is an order in Rymer 

" the 



414 

(C the eighth of Edward I. " Pro focalibus recupera- 
ec tis feretro beati Richardi reoffigendis," (for re-r 
iC fastening the hangings that are preserved on the 
" shrine of saint Richard. ) It was visited by the 
" Papists, on the 3d day of April, even since the 
" Restoration." 

<c The historical painting in the south-transept, 
ce is said to be the work of one Bernardi, an Italian, 
se who came into England with bishop Shurborne. 
"Painting was then brought to its highest perfec- 
** tion in Italy ; and very probably this man might 
" be a disciple of some of the great masters. The 
" picture is certainly not Holbein's. I could venture 
" to affirm this by what I have seen of Holbein's 
a . work at Cowdry. He was eminent for colouring 
cc and expression, but had no notion of perspective, 
" and very little of composition. His landscapes are 
"so ill designed, that his very towns lie in ambush, 
<c and the horsemen who besiege them, are big enough 
c< to ride over the walls. What this picture was for 
<s colouring and expression before it was so much 
% defaced in the great rebellion, there is no knowing; 
"but the manner is quite different from Holbein's. 
<- The perspective is not bad, the architecture ex- 

" cellent, 



4*4 

fv cellent, and the figures are in general veil dis- 
(C posed in the picture : I should make no question 
" but the tradition here is the true account of it." 

I have not the least doubt but this essay was 
•written by Mr. Clarke, but he does not introduce it 
as the result of his own researches but as the opinion 
of the dean of Exeter — throughout the whole what 
is said on the subject is little more than the echo of 
doctor Lyttleton's observations on the subject, and 
as such I shall consider it. 

During the time that bishop Ralph sat here 
(thirty-two years) he built the church twice. The 
first fabric was confessedly of wood; whether the 
second was so too must be determined by probability; 
for the records are silent on that head. Though his 
predecessors, and he himself, had made preparations 
almost twenty years for this great work, ( the first 
church ) yet was he nine or ten years in finishing it. 
In 1108 it received its completion; but was unhap- 
pily burnt down in 1114 — nine years after this, i. e. 
1123, the bishop died: and I think it cannot be 
maintained nor believed, that in so short a period 
he should be able to make the necessary prepara- 
tions, begin, carry on, and finish so vast an edifice 

of 



416 

of stone. I think it can hardly be doubted but this 
second fabric was built of wood — and then Mr. 
Clarke's, or rather doctor Lyttleton's, reasonings will 
fall to the ground, c ' that such pillars and arches of 
fc stone could not be entirely reduced to ashes by a 
tc fire." His own quotation from Hoveden proves 
that the church was ( not barely damaged but ) en- 
tirely consumed by the second fire — ■" Combust a est 
" fere tota Civitas Cieestrensis cum ecclesia sedis 
i( pontificalis, et domibus episcopi et canonicorum. ,> 
Prom the annals of Winchester, and other records, 
I maintain that bishop Seffrid built the -church as it 
bow stands; but it will not from thence follow that 
every thing belonging to it, as a cathedral church, 
was thoroughly finished and completed, especially 
within ; and therefore we need not wonder, that 
bishop Neville should say — c< Ecclesia multiplici re- 
paratione indigcre dignoscitur." Nor yet that bishop 
Aquila, in the beginning of his episcopate, solicited 
and obtained licence from king John — (e Ducendi 
(< marmor suum per mare a Purbeck ad repara- 
K tionem/' &c. 

But what appears to me to be decisive on this 
point is, that bishop Seffrid, assisted by six other 

prelates, 



417 

prelates, consecrated the church on the 2d of the 
Ides (i. e. the 12th day) of September, a. d. 1199: 
for it would be absurd to suppose that he, or they, 
would have performed that solemn office if the 
church had only been repaired, as the essay supposes. 
In the ms. there is an almost implicit deference 
paid to the opinion of doctor Lyttleton, to which it 
was not entitled: especially as that opinion was 
formed on a cursory survey of the subject. It says 
that Henry I. was the great contributor to this work, 
i. e. the building of the cathedral. This is very un- 
likely ; for at that time he was on very bad terms 
both with Anselm the arch-bishop, and Paschal the 
pope, who threatened him with excommunication, 
on account of his claiming the right of ecclesiastical 
investitures. — " Bish6p Godwin places the second fire 
in 1187;" the table, and the annals of Winchester, 
with more probability in 1185. " Bishop Seffrid's 
u repairs cannot be distinguished from bishop Ralph's 
" original work; unless some pillars, &c. and the 
u two towers at the west-end are some of them." It 
is plain by inspection that there is only one tower 
there now. — « Poore succeeded Aquila. There* can 
be no doubt but he carried on the work." He sat 

e e here 



i8 



here only two years, and therefore cannot be sup- 
posed to have done much . "He (Poore) was the 
ee greatest builder of his age : the foundation of the 
ic present church of Salisbury is a sufficient monu- 
cc ment of his taste* and magnificence." It does not 
appear by the records of the time,, that he did lay 
the foundation of it : and circumstances are unfavor- 
able to that opinion ; for he was translated to Dun- 
holme (Durham) the 22d of July, 1228— and the 
church of Salisbury was not finished till the year 
1256 or 1257 — a longer period than we can well 
suppose it to be in hand. In consequence of long- 
feuds and contentions between the clergy (of Sarum) 
and the earl (Devereux,) the bishop (Poore) pro- 
cured a bull from the pope, authorising him to re- 
move the church from the hill to the vale, where 
Salisbury now stands. A new wooden chapel was 
therefore begun and finished by him in 1224; and 
on the feast of Trinity he celebrated divine service 
in it; and consecrated it a cemetry. In 1225, on 
the vigil of saint Michael, he consecrated three altars, 
on the area which he marked out, and on which the 
cathedral now stands, at which consecration the arch* 
bishops of Canterbury and Dublin were present :— r 

and 
• Music, painting/ and poetry, are the only provinces of taste, 



4*9 

and two or three years afterwards was translated ' to 
the see of Dunholme. Bishop Bingham succeeded 
him at Salisbury — a prelate of considerable learning 
(for the times) and great influence. A few years 
before his death, (2d of November, 1246) he began 
to build the church, for which he had been Iono- 
making preparations ; and his successor, William of 
York, completed the vast undertaking, at the time 
above-mentioned. This Mr. Clarke seems to allow, 
when he says— ff it was a sort of fashion to bury the 
u builders or restorers of churches near one another: 
tc thus at Salisbury, the two bishops thai finished that 
'/ noble fabric, bishop Bingham and William of York, 
" lie near one another." 

u We have a tradition (says Mr. Clarke) that 
" the' spire was built by the same workmen that built 
" Salisbury spire : and this account is very credible; 
" it was certainly built about the same time ; the 
:c work is in the same taste and manner. The church 

" of Salisbury was finished in the year 1256 the 4th 

" of Henry III." The 4th year of Henry III. was 

1220, as he began his reign in 1216 but that is 

immaterial. That the same workmen should build 
both spires can hardly be imagined; as the time of 

E E 2 their 



420 

their erection was more than half a century apart ; 
for we cannot suppose that the outward work of 
Chichester cathedral was not finished at the time of 
its consecration,, a. d. 1199. That there is a simi- 
larity in the style is true ; though the plan in several 
respects, is different. In Chichester the great tower 
in the center of the cross is higher than that of Salis- 
bury in proportion. The extreme top of the spire 
of the latter, is more than an hundred feet higher 
than that of the former : but that has nothing to do 
with style or relative proportion ; as the whole struc- 
ture is on a larger scale than ours. In Chichester 
the choir is higher than the pavement of the church, 
at the west door the ascent is five steps : in Salisbury 
there is no ascent to the choir, the pavement of it is 
on a level with that of the church. 

" What the historical painting in the south- 
" transept was for colouring and expression before 
s( it was so much defaced in the great rebellion, (Mr. 
" Clarke says) there is no knowing." There is no 
sign nor mark that the parliamentarians at all inter- 
fered with these; the pictures of the kings, bishops, 
&c. have lost their colouring and expression, by the 
ravages of a more irresistible enemy — time. His 

strictures 



421 

strictures on Holbein are not conceived with that 
judgment nor liberality of sentiment that I should 
have looked for from Mr. Clarke — if he had " had 
no notion of perspective, and very little of compo- 
sition/' his reputation as an artist could not stand 
so high as it does. With his style I am unacquainted; 
but know that his fame as a painter stands on an ele- 
vation which the shafts of common critics cannot 
reach, but fall harmless on the ground, or on the 
head of the assailant. 

hi the historical picture above-mentioned, 
Ceadwalla is represented as the person who made the 
grant to Wilfrid of the island of Selsea: whereas it is 
evident both from Bede and William of Malmesbury,, 
that it w T as Adelwalch, king of the South-Saxons, 
that founded this church. Bede's words are sc Rex 
" Adeluilch donavit reverendissimo Antistili Vilfrido 
n terrain otaginta et septem familiarum ubi homines 
ff suos — recipere posset, vocabulo Selaeseii : hunc 
" locum cum accepisset episcopns Vilfridus fundavit 
cc ibi monasterium." &c. p. 156. Malmesbury con- 
firms this: "Is, Adelualch, beatissimum Wilfridum, 
<s a sede sua exulantem, benigne dignatus hospitio, 
fC episcopatus etiam sede extulcrat loco qui Seleseje 

e e 3 f< dicitur; 



422 

" dicitur; et Wilfridus ibidem monasterium aedifica- 
" vit/' &c. p. 257. The account given us of Cead* 

walla by the above historians and others is that 

he was a West-Saxon, related to the royal family ; 
that he endeavoured to raise a rebellion there, in 
order to dethrone the king, and usurp the govern- 
ment; that his practices were discovered, and he 
forced to fly ; that he and his adherents fled to the 
weald of Sussex, and supported themselves "quoquo 
modo," (as they could); that Adelwalch expelled 
him from thence ; that he retired from the kingdom 
of the South-Saxons, without mentioning whither; 
that on the death of Kentwin, king of Wessex, his 
faction raised him to the throne, a. d. 686 ; that 
soon after his elevation he raised an army, and 
marched against Kent, where he was beaten ; that in 
his return home he attacked Adelwalch, whom he 
overcame and killed in a pitched battle, but was 
forced by Berthun and Anthun, two popular noble- 
men of Sussex, to retire into his own territories; 
that some time after he attacked the isle of Wight, 
then an appendage of the crown of Sussex, and put 
the greater part of the miserable inhabitants thereof 
to the sword, and made a present of the rest of them 

to 



4*3 

to the bishop of Selsea. Very soon after this, he" 
went a pilgrimage to Rome, and died there a. d. 
689, "plus minus triginta annos natus," (about 
thirty years of age. ) The same authors inform uS 
that the time that he reigned was between two and 
three years. According to sir William Dugdale, and 
the respectable authority of Mr. Clarke, late canon 
of Chichester, the charters of this church bear the 
date of 673, at which time Ceadwalla was not more 
than thirteen or fourteen years old : too young, 
surely, to undertake and conduct an hostile expedi- 
tion against a warlike people, and afterwards in his 
retreat, attack the South-Saxons, kill their king, seize 
upon the government, and regulate the affairs of the 
state. And if these difficulties could be got over, 
one insurmountable remains, viz. it is universally al- 
lowed that Wilfrid did not come into Sussex at all 
before the year 6S0. The grant was made to him 
(Wilfrid) who accepted and signed the same in the 
name of the bishop of York. From whence it will 
follow that the date of these charters must have been 
changed by some means or other. To make the 
history of that tumultuary time consistent with itself, 
the expedition against the isle of Wight must have 

o4 been 



424 

been in 687 of 688, in all probability the last ex- 
ploit of Ceadwalla, before undertaking his pilgrim- 
age. At that time Hedda was bishop of the West- 
Saxons, and Eadbert of Sussex. To this last prelate 
it must have been, and not to Wilfrid, that Cead- 
walla made the donation of the people of Wight, 
who had the good fortune not to be massacred by 
him: for Bede says expressly, (p. 314) "both in 
* f word and deed he (Wilfrid) performed the office 
ei of bishop in these parts (Sussex) during the space 
" of five years, that is till the death of Egfrid," &c. 
and in page 385, " he (Egfrid) was drawn into the 
" streights of inaccessible mountains, and slain, with 
(C the greatest part of his forces, in the year of our 
*\ Lord 685." Immediately on the death of this 
prince, Wilfrid returned into his own country, the 
kingdom of the Northumbrians; leaving Eadbert, 
his successor, in the see of the South-Saxons. It is 
not too much to say that it was at the importunity 
of Hedda, that Ceadwalla spared the lives of some 
of the inhabitants of the isle of Wight, and returned 
them to the bishop of the South-Saxons, to whose 
jurisdiction they, of right, belonged. That the same 
prelate roused the conscience of the guilty king to 

a sense 



425 

a sense of his atrocities, and prompted him to under- 
take his pilgrimage to Rome ; which he entered upon 
about the end of the year 688, was baptized on the 
Saturday before Easter, £89, by pope Sergius IL 
"■ and being still in his white garments, he fell sick, 
** and dying the 12th of the kalends of May the same 
" year, was there buried with great funeral pomp," 
&c. page 394. 

Eolla succeeded Eadbert in this see, after whose 
death it was vacant several years, and governed in 
those troublesome and unsettled times by commis- 
sion to Hedda, bishop of the West-Saxons, frointhe 
arch-bishop of Canterbury. It was this bishop Hedda, 
most probably, who changed both the name of the 
founder, and the date of the foundation of this 
church, by substituting Ceadwalla for Adelwakh, 
and 673 for 683 ; the real date of the grant. Hedda 
was a West-Saxon, and partial to his own province. 
Besides, in those days, to belong to a church founded 
by a person who went a pilgrimage to Rome, w T as 
baptized by the pope, died almost in his presence, 
and buried at the feet of saint Peter and saint Paul, 
was looked upon as a matter of great honour. After 
the Conquest, the inhabitants of Sussex were the 

most 



4^6 

most hated by the Normans, of all the English, as 1 ' 
many of them held immediately of king Harold, and 
most of them were friendly to his person and govern- 
ment ; and therefore they would be more disposed 
to confirm than to detect and rectify any errors of 
the above tendency. 

Bedc, so often mentioned, was a cotemporary 
historian, of the greatest veracity, who wrote not 
from uncertain tradition, but authentic testimony: 
worthy of the most unbounded credit in all cases 
wherein superstition is not concerned. In every 
other respect our English historians, except Hume, 
are agreed in paying the greatest regard to his autho- 
rity. In the dedication of his history he tells us " in 
ec like manner Daniel, the most reverend bishop of 
c '~ the West-Saxons, who is now living, communi- 
" cated to me in writing some things relating to the 
" ecclesiastical history of that province, and of the 
" next adjoining to it, of the South-Saxons, and of 
"'the isle of Wight/' So that, in fact, we have the 
united testimony of Bede and Daniel, bishop of the 
West-Saxons, that it was not the king of Wessex, but 
Adelwalch, king of the South-Saxons, that founded 

the 



427 

the church of Chichester. In the present question., 
the testimony of the bishop of Wessex is superior to 
any other, and the most satisfactory that can be 
wished. It was during the reign of Ina, the most 
illustrious of the Saxon kings of the heptarchy, that he 
communicated his intelligence to the northern histo- 
rian. This prince succeeded his uncle Ceadwalla on 
the throne of Wessex. If the fact had not, at that 
time, been notorious, that Adelwalch founded this 
church, he would not have presumed to have robbed 
the preceeding king of that honour, during the reign 
of his nephew. 

Besides, if the royal pilgrim, at so early a 
period of his life, in the year 673, founded a Chris- 
tian church among the South-Saxons, how came it 
to pass that he himself lived fifteen or sixteen years 
after a professed heathen, and a barbarian, and did 
not acknowledge nor take upon him the faith of 
Christ, till a very short time before his death ? 

I make these remarks with a trembling hand. 
The attempt to invalidate the records of a venerable 
establishment, much more the calling in question 
the sacred charters thereof, may be deemed rash, 

presumptuous, 



428 



presumptuous and unwarrantable: a charge which I 
should be exceedingly concerned to deserve. While 
I was in expectation of reciving the ms. of the late 
learned canon of this church, I hoped that on perus- 
ing it I should find this question clearly stated, im- 
partially investigated, and satisfactorily settled. But 
on receiving it I was greatly disappointed in finding 
that he has not professedly touched upon the subject. 
In one or two places he has indirectly intimated his 
opinion of it — and only in one directly said " Adelu- 
alch fundavit ecclesiam Cicestrias circiter ann. 68-/' 
but quotes no authority. Perhaps it was his very 
great humility that made him decline to agitate a 
question of a nature so delicate, and so difficult to 
be decided. Whatever his reasons were, we have 
cause to regret that the hand which was best qualified 
did not favour the world with a critical investigation 
of this subject. The present weak attempt, if it con- 
vinces the unprejudiced and impartial, has a right 
to be forgiven ; or if it lead to an examination of 
the subject, whereby the truth at last may be deve- 
loped and established — may, on that footing, claim 
the same candour. However clear and evident the 

matter 



4^9 

matter may appear to me, it does not from thence 
follow that my position is certainly true, and there- 
fore I have assigned my reasons for believing as I 
do ; if they be not satisfactory to the reader, he is at 
liberty to reject them, and adhere to the contrary 
opinion. 



CHAPTER 



43° 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

OF THE MARTYRS OF CHICHESTER AND THE COUNTY OF SUSSEX 

■ BRIEF ACCOUNT OF ALL THE BISHOPS OF SELSEA AND 

CHICHESTER,, FROM SAINT WILFRID TO THE PRESENT TIME. 
1 A LIST OF ALL THE DEANS. 



THE MARTYRS. 

ACCORDING to the account which is given of 
bishop Peacock, (or Pocock) we may venture to 
enroll him among those who have sealed the truth 
of the gospel of Christ with their blood. And though 
he is said to have recanted in order to save his life, 
yet, as he afterwards renounced that recantation and 
maintained the truth, no man who has a due sense 
of the weakness of human nature, will deny his 
memory that honour. 

The authors of the Magna Britannia inform us 
of " three godly men, confessors, or martyrs shall 
" we call them, let the reader judge, who died in 
" the castle of Chichester, in the month of October, 
<\ 1556, being there in bonds for the cause of Christ's 

" gospel 



43 1 



:c gospel. If they had lived they would have suffered 
" the like martyrdom as others had done ; but death 
"prevented the designs of the enemies of truth; 
" whether their death was natural or violent is doubt- 
*' ful ; for though they suffered no outward visible 
" violence, it is probable, as they all three died 
" nearly together, that it was through some cruel 
" treatment of their enemies, (who buried them in 
iC an adjoining field) that they came to their end at 
(C the same time — : but we leave the determination to 
" God." The place called the castle of Chichester 
in the above account, was the Friary, which Henry 
the eighth had a few years before given to the mayor 
and corporation. 

Thomas Harland, carpenter, and John Oswald, 
husbandman, both of Woodmancote, in the rape of 
Bramber — Thomas Avington, of Ardingly, in the 
riding or rape of Lewes, turner, and Thomas Read, 
were all burned together, in one fire at Lewes, after 
long imprisonment in the Kings Bench at Lord n 
Thomas Harland's crime was, that since queen M 
arrival at the throne, he had not been at the chi 
to which he answered, that after the mass was re- 
stored he had no will to hear the same, because it 

was 



43 2 

was read in Latin, which he did not understand, and 
therefore he thought it would be as well not to go 
at all as go and not be better. John Oswald refused 
to answer any thing objected to him, till his accusers 
came face to face : which resolutely persisting in, 
they threatened to burn him as a heretick if he would 
not answer the questions put to him : to which he 
replied, that fire, and faggots could not intimidate 
him ; that as the good preachers in king Edward's 
time had suffered, and gone before him, so was he 
ready to suffer and go after them ; and should rejoice 
to do so. — There remains nothing of the examina- 
tion and answers of the two others; except that 
Thomas Read, before he was sent to prison, had de- 
termined to go to church and conform to the popish 
doctrine and service ; but the night following he 
saw in a vision, a company of tall young men in 
white, very pleasant to behold, to whom he would 
have joined himself, but could not ; whereupon he 
looked on himself, and was full of spots; and then 
waking, he resolved to stand to the truth, which he 
accordingly did, and so in June 1556, they were 
burned together in one fire at Lewes ; in the same 
month as the others, at about a fortnight's distance. 

Thomas 



433 

Thomas Wood, a minister, and Thomas Milk, 
Were burned together at Lewes, for opposing the 
corrupt doctrines of the Romish church. 

Henry Adlington, a sawyer, at East-Grin sted, 
in this county, going to speak with one Gratwick, a 
prisoner in Newgate for the testimony of the gospel, 
was apprehended and brought before doctor Story, 
and by him sent to the bishop of London, to be 
farther examined; for which end, being, with divers 
others, brought before doctor Derbyshire, the bishop's 
chancellor, and examined upon divers articles; in 
their answers to which, they all agreed, except that 
being interrogated about the mass, sacrament of the 
altar, and the catholic church, Adlington answered, 
that for nine or ten years before he had disliked the 
mass, and also the sacrament of the altar, because 
they cannot be proved by scripture. And as touch- 
ing the authority of the see of Rome, when he was 
fourteen years of age he took an oath against it, 
which oath ( he said ) he was resolved by God's help 
to keep. Being by the examination convicted of 
heresy, (as they deemed it) they w T ere all condemned 
to be burned — and accordingly, being delivered over 

FF tO 



434 

to the secular power, suffered at the stake, at Stratford 
le Bow, June 27, 1556. 

Thomas Dungate, John Foreman, and a woman 
of the name of Tree, suffered at East-Grinsted, July 
18th, 1556, and patiently endured the most furious 
rage that man could w 7 ork against them, for the sake 
of truth. 

John Hart, Thomas Ravensdale, a shoemaker, 
and a currier, ( of which two last we have not the 
names) were all burned together in Pevensey rape, 
in one fire, 24th of September, 1556. Of these it 
is remarked, that being at the stake, and ready to be 
put into the fire, they chearfully and joyfully yielded 
up their lives for the testimony of the gospel of 
Jesus Christ. 

Richard Woodman, George Stevens, William 
Maynard, Alexander Hoffman his servant, Thomasia 
Wood his maid, Margery Morris and James Morris, 
her son, Denis Burgess, Ashdon's wife, and Grovers 
wife, ten godly martyrs of Christ, were burnt at Lewes, 
June 22, 1557. Of these the first and chief was 
Richard Woodman, an iron-maker by trade, dwell- 
ing in the parish of Warbleton, in the rape of Hast- 
ings, in this county and diocese, a person of good 

reputation, 



435 

reputation, who did much good in the country by 
setting many poor men to work. He being a godly- 
man, and reading the scriptures much, was firmly 
established in the doctrines preached in king Edward 
the sixth's days, for which he was apprehended on 
this occasion. One Fairbanks a mai'ried man, and 
minister of the town, who had in king Edward's days 
taught the doctrines set forth by authority, zealously 
persuading his people never to embrace or hold any 
other, turned upon the accession of queen Mary, 
and preached clean contrary to what he had before 
delivered. Woodman hearing him so to preach in 
their parish church, admonished him of his incon- 
stancy in teaching formerly one thing, and now 
another ; and desired him to preach the truth and 
hold to it. By this reproof Fairbank was so pro- 
voked, that he caused Woodman to be apprehended, 
and being carried before several justices of the county, 
w r as by them committed to the King's Bench prison, 
where he was kept about a year and a half, and then 
sent to the bishop of London's cole-house, and there 
remained a month, before he was brought upon his 
examination ; after which he was released by bishop 
Bonner, who had examined him several times upon 

f f 2 the 



436 

the very day that Mr. Philpot was burnt, only upon 
his promise to be an honest man. Having his liberty 
he conversed some time among his neighbours and 
friends, and for information sought instruction of 
several priests, and other understanding men, but 
received no satisfaction. Bonner, and the lord 
chamberlain Gage, hearing of his actions, that he 
preached, baptized, and married, (though he was 
of these things falsely accused) sent out four or five 
warrants to apprehend him again, which by means 
of his father and brother, who had his estate in their 
hands, and cared not to come to an account, they 
effected; and he being taken, was sent to London,, 
April 12, 1557, and within two days brought upon 
his examination before doctor Christopherson, bishop 
of Chichester, and others. His examinations are set 
down at length in Mr. Fox's Martyrology, and being 
upon the usual points, the catholic church, seven 
sacraments, transubstantiation, &c. to which he gave 
the same answers as the martyrs of other counties 
did ; we shall pass them over, and come to his exe- 
cution at Lewes, June 22, 1557. His judicial sen- 
tence was pronounced by doctor White, bishop of 
Winchester, in company with doctor Christopherson, 

his 



437 

his ordinal*}*, and other divines ; after which he was 
kept in the Marshalsea a few days, and then sent 
down to Lewes, and there burnt, with the nine 
others above-mentioned, at one stake. The other 
nine were taken up not above two or three days 
before their execution, in which space of time 'tis 
not probable the writ for their burning could have 
been obtained regularly, and on that footing their 
persecutors were guilty of direct murther * 



THE BISHOPS. 

The Saxon inhabitants of this county were Pagans 
before the year of our Lord 680, when they were 
converted to the Christian religion by the preaching 
of Wilfrid, of whom I have given a pretty full ac- 
count in the beginning of this work, which it is not 
necessary to repeat here. According to Bede, he 
continued here four or five years, and quitted the 
diocese in the year 684 or 685, and died at Rippon 
in Yorkshire, a. d. 706 — and was succeded here by 
Eadbert, or Edbrith, abbot of Selsea, bishop 
of the kingdom of the South-Saxons, to which he 

f.f3 was 

* Vide Mas. Britann. 



438 

was consecrated the same year. How long he sat we 
find not, but that 

Eolla was his successor, and that after him this 
see was vacant to the death of Bede in 735. 

Sigga, or as others call him Sigelmus, or 
Sigfridus, succeeded Eolla. He was present at the 
synod holden by Cuthbert arch-bishop of Canterbury, 
anno 746. After him the see was filled with bishops 
for some time, of whom we know nothing now but 
the names. Probably they were men of piety and 
worth, and peaceable, who studied rather to promote 
the interest and spread of Christianity among men, 
than erect monuments of fame in the world. 

Alubrith succeeded, anno 761 — Isaacson. 

Osa, or Bosa, in 790 — Ibid. 

Giseltherus, in 817 — Heylin. 

Tota, in 844— Ibid. 

Wigthun, in 873— Ibid. 

Ethelulph, ' in 891— Ibid. 

Beornegus, in 905 or 906, (Isaacson, Godwin.) 
He was taken by the Danes, Matthew of Westminster 
informs us, and redeemed by king Edward the elder 
for forty pounds. 

Coenred succeeded in 923— Isaacson 924 

Heylin, Gutheard, 



439 

Gutheard, in 942 — Isaacson died in 960, 

Alfred, in 960 — Isaacson died in 970. 

Eadhelm, in 970 — Isaacson died in 980. 

Ethelgar, in 980, the abbot of the new monas- 
tery at Winchester, and was translated to Canterbury 
eight years afterwards. 

Ordbright, anno 988, (Godwin) and held the 
see fiften years. 

Elmar, in 1003, (Isaacson) and died in 1019. 

Ethelrike, or Agelred, or Agelric, succeeded 
in 1019, and died on the 5th of November 1038. 
(Godwin.) 

Grinketellus, in 1039, who being ejected, as 
Malmsbury informs us. from the see of the East- 
Saxons, for simonaical practices, purchased this with 
his money ; -which he held eight years : and dying 
in the year 1047, 

Heca, king Edward the Confessor's chaplain, 
was consecrated to it in 1017, and sat here ten years. 

Agelric succeeded him in 1057. He was a 
monk of Canterbury, and being very famous for his 
great skill in the common-law of England, was ap- 
pointed by William the Conqueror, arbitrator, to- 
gether with Geoffrid, bishop of Constance, to judge 

f f 4 and 



44o 

and determine according to right and equity, a con- 
troversy then subsisting between Lanfranc, arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, and Odo, earl of Kent, that 
king's half-brother, by the mother's side, concerns 
ing certain farms. He (Lanfranc) was an old man, 
and not able to bear the shaking of the carriage he 
was" conveyed in ; yet was carried to the place ap- 
pointed, namely Pinkenden-heath, whither a great 
number of the people of his province were gathered 
together to give their testimony for their arch-bishop; 
for whom judgment was given, as is said in the his- 
tory of the bishops of Canterbury. Florence of 
Worcester says, that this bishop was afterwards de- 
prived, in the synod held at Windsor; but it is 
thought unjustly, and imprisoned in Malmesbury- 
gaol, anno 1070 : so6n after which, if he did not 
die, another was put into his see, viz. 

Stigandus, the Conqueror's chaplain, in the 
year last-mentioned, who sat in this see at Selsea, 
when they were ordered to be removed from villages 
to towns as mentioned before: in obedience to 
which, this Stigandus removed his to Chichester, 
where, Malmesbury tells us, there was a monastery, 
dedicated to saint Peter, and a society of nuns. He 

therefore 



441 

therefore became the first bishop of Chichester, and 
died a. d. 10S7. 

William, by some called Godfrey, succeeded 
him in the year 1087, and died in 1088, from 
which time the see was vacant till 1091. 

Ranulph, or Ralph, was his successor, as 
William of Malmesbury assures us, who gives us'this 
description of him : — To William succeeded Ralph, 
who was famous not only for the tallness of his body 
but the vigour of his mind. He, out of a conscien- 
tious regard for his office as a priest, opposed William 
Rufus to his face, in behalf of arch-bishop Anselm, 
whom that king had troubled without cause; and 
whereas most of the bishops favoured the king's side, 
and refused to stand up for Anselm, he rebuked those 
bishops, as well as blamed the* king, who was so pro- 
voked thereby, that he redoubled his threaten ings ; 
but this bishop was not all terrified by them, but 
stretching out his crosier, and pulling off his ring, 
offered them to the king, if he would take them ; 
which resolution had certainly prevailed, had not 
Anselm himself cut ofFall hopes of reconciliation by 
his flight; which weakened his cause, and tended 
afterwards to his great damage. — Some years after 

this, 



442 



this,, in the reign of king Henry I. he shewed great 
resolution in behalf of religion, in opposing that 
prince's commands, in requiring all the married 
clergy to pay him a fine throughout all England. 
The rest of the bishops either approved of this exac- 
tion, or by their silence seemed so to do, as not 
daring to oppose the king : but nothing could bring 
this bishop to a compliance, for he prohibited divine 
service to be read in his diocese, and ordered the 
church-doors to be filled up with thorns ; not intend- 
ing thereby to hinder the monks singing, but to keep 
out the laity. These rigorous dealings so prevailed 
upon the king, that he allowed him alone, as a man 
of a disturbed mind, to receive the fines of the 
priests. Nevertheless, the religion and courage of 
the bishop begat so good an opinion of him, in the 
king's mind, that he forgave all that he had done, 
saying now and then, his bishoprick is small, and 
his church (which had been lately burnt down, viz. 
May the 5th, 1114) ought not to be impoverished 
"with taxes ; but rather to be enriched with offerings. 
Thus did the constant innocency of the bishop beget 
so great a veneration for him, that the king, who 
took away from others, gave to him freely and 

willingly, 



. 443 

willingly, as if directed by him. For whereas his 
church, which he had almost built new, was, by an 
accidental fire nearly destroyed, (as is before-men- 
tioned ) he in a small time rebuilt it : and died in a 
most Christian manner ; having given all his goods 
to the poor, to whom he caused before his death his 
cloaths to be distributed even to the bed he lay on. 
A person he was, who by his good actions, gained 
an eternal remembrance to himself, having raised 
the see from a miserable and low condition, to the 
highest pitch of grandeur. So many of the clergy, 
as the revenues of his bishoprick could maintain, he 
kept with him. He furnished his church with orna- 
ments of all sorts, which were so few before, that we 
are ashamed to mention them. He went round his 
diocese three times a year, purely to preach the 
gospel ; requiring nothing of his clergy or parishes 
by his episcopal authority, and if they made him any 
present, gratefully receiving it. Sudh as had offended 
he reproved ; and if admonition did not prevail, he 
shamed the guilty, by some ingenious reflection, 
into a reformation. He died in the year 1124, the 
24th of Henry I. and 

Seffridus, 



444 

SefFridus, the brother of Ralph, arch-bishop 
of Canterbury, and abbot of Glastenbury, succeeded 
him. He was consecrated April 12, 1125, and died 
(as Westminster intimates) in the year 1132 — 3 2d 
of Henry I. One named 

Hillarius succeeded him, of whom nothing 
more is said in our histories, but that he, of all the 
English bishops, plainly and literally approved of 
the statute of Clarendon, without any addition of 
that odious .clause, which the rest of the bishops in- 
sisted on — cc so far as they might without prejudice to 
their order" How long he held this see cannot be 
exactly ascertained. Isaacson says he died 1169. 

John de Greenford, dean of Chichester, was 
chosen bishop of this see, anno 1173, consecrated 
to it in the next year, and died in 1180, when he 
was succeeded by 

Seffrid, the second of that name, was conse- 
crated the 17th of October, 11S0 — about which time 
almost the whole city was burnt, together with the 

church, and houses of the clergy. The church, 

as it now stands, this worthy prelate rebuilt, together 
with the palace, the cloisters, and the commons- 
houses; and finished the whole in the space of four- 
teen 



445 

teen years. On the 12th of September, 1199, he 
consecrated the church with great splendour and 
magnificence, being assisted by six other bishops, 
He gave the parsonage of Seaford, and other valua- 
ble benefactions, to the church. After having filled 
the see about nineteen years, and been a great ex- 
ample of generosity and piety, he died the 17th of 
March, 1204 — his figure cut in black marble is on 
the south-side of the door of the duke of Richmond's 
vault. 

Simon de Wells was chosen bishop of Chi- 
chester December the 22d, 1204. He departed this 
life in 1207, and was succeeded by 

Nicholas de Aquila, descended from the famous 
Eugenulf de Aquila, who came into England with the 
Conqueror ; and though he was slain in the battle of 
Hastings, left sons to inherit the successes of that 
day. He was consecrated anno 1209, but history 
says no more of him but that 

Richard Poore, dean of Salisbury, was his suc- 
cessor in this see. He was consecrated to it anno 
1215, removed from it to Salisbury anno 1217, and 
from thence to Durham. 

Ralph 



44^ 

Ralph de Warham, first official and then (as 
some assert) prior of the church of Norwich, was 
chosen in his rooiri anno 1217, and soon after con- 
firmed in this see by Walo, the pope's legate : being 
restored to the temporalities of it December 27th, 
the second of Henry III. He gave to his see a wind- 
mill, standing in Bishopston, and departed this life 
1222. His successor was 

Ralph Nevile, (lord chancellor of England) 
consecrated on the 21st of April, 1224. He was a 
great benefactor to' this church. He gave his noble 
palace where Lincoln's inn now stands, to his suc- 
cessors, the bishops of Chichester, for ever ; where 
some of them lived when they repaired to London ; 
he also gave them the estates called Chichester-rents, 
in Chancery-Lane; being the only part now remain- 
ing of that great benefaction. He obtained for this 
see some charters from king Henry III. and also a 
grant of the Broiles, with their appurtenances, near 
this city; and a place called the Bishop's garden, 
now a burying ground without East-gate. He gave 
Greyling-Well and other lands, .to the dean and 
chapter of this cathedral. He gave a large sum of 
money towards repairing this church ; and several 

quarters 



447 

quarters of wheat yearly to the poor for ever, which 
is now baked into bread, and distributed among 
them, at several times of the year. He built the 
chancel of the church of Amberly from the ground, 
and also a chapel dedicated to saint Michael, without 
East-gate. He sat here about twenty-one years ; and 
after a life spent in the service of God, the church, 
and state, died at London, Febuary 1, 1244, and 
was buried in this cathedral. 

Bishop Nevile being dead, the prebendaries of 
Chichester proceeded to the election of another 
bishop ; and to please the king, chose one Robert 
Passelew for their bishop ; because the king had a 
great kindness for him, upon the account of his in- 
dustry and quick dispatch of business — but his elec- 
tion was set aside by the pope's mandate, in order 
to make room for 

Richard de la Wich, who by some means had 
advanced himself into great favour at the court of 
Rome. He was consecrated in 1245, and dying 
anno 1 L 2~>3, aged fifty-six years, was buried in this 
cathedral. He was afterwards canonized by the 
Romish church, and his anniversary appointed to be 
kept the 3d day of April Under his picture, among 

the 



44 8 



the bishops in the church, there is a pretty long atf* 
count of miracles, said to be wrought by him, (as 
mentioned before. ) We are sorry that we cannot 
give the reader the history of this pretended saint 
from authentic records : we apprehend him to have 
been originally one of the Dominican friars, or 
preaching brothers ; a set of hypocritical fanatics, 
who sprung up about this time out of the dung and 
corruption of the church of Rome — that he dis- 
tinguished himself by his vehemence against the 
Albigenses, a sect of heretics (as they were then, 
called) but whose tenets differed but little from the 
Protestants of the present age ; that by these means 
he ingratiated himself with the pope, who contrary 
to the regulations of the lateran, appointed him 
anions: the secular clersfv, and honoured him with 
the mitre of Chichester : that in this station he con- 
tinued to exert himself in defence of his worthy 
patroness, the Romish church, by the same arts of 
hypocrisy and fraud, whereby he had imposed upon 
the ignorance and credulity of mankind before his 
exaltation. — Be this as it will, we know assuredly 
that this was an age of gross delusion, consummate 
ignorance, and gloomy superstition ; and in a word 

the 



449 

the very midnight of papal darkness ; a fit season 
for pretended saints to exhibit lying wonders ! We 
are truly sorry that a man of bishop Shurborn's great 
discernment, should have given the authority of his 
name to so palpable a fallacy ; nor indeed can we 
account for the same otherwise than by supposing 
that when that account was written and received his 
sanction, age had weakened the powers of his under- 
standing ; which we verily believe was the case ; for 
he died a few years after, at the advanced age of 
ninety-six. 

John Clipping, a prebendary of the church, 
succeeded him. lie, among other things, gave to 
this cathedral the manor of Drungwich, in the parish 
of Wisborough-Green, and built upon it a palace for 
the bishops, his successors. We suppose he sat about 
eight years, for we find that 

Stephen de Perkstead had the temporalities of 
this see restored to him, June 26, the forty-sixth of 
Henry III. About three years after, viz. in 1265, 
he was excommunicated because he sided with the 
seditious barons, which was the cause he went to 
Rome — and after a long exile from his own country 
hardly obtained his absolution. He died in 1287, 

c g and 



450 

and has this character given him in the chronicle of 
Osney. That he was cc a person of the greatest sin- 
" cerity and innocency, who lay under the affliction 
" of blindness many years before he died, which 
" made his life miserable.'" 

Gilbert de S. Leofardo, treasurer of the church 
of Chichester, official of the arch-bishop of Canter- 
bury, and a scholar of the university of Oxford, was 
restored to the temporalities of this see, June the 
18th, 1288. In some histories it is said that he built 
and endowed the chapel of the blessed Mary in Chi- 
chester, however it is most probable that he re- 
paired the buildings and was a benefactor to the in- 
stitution. Westminster gives him this encomium, 
viz. That he was a father to the fatherless — a com- 
forter of the mourning widows — a pious and humble 
visitor to the sick and bedrid in cottages, and was 
more bountiful to refresh the poor than entertain 
the rich. He further adds, if we please to believe 
him, that the holiness of his life was well attested by 
the frequent miracles consequent upon it. 

John de Langton was arch-deacon of Canter- 
bury, treasurer of Wells, canon of York and Lincoln, 
prebendary of this church, besides other preferments. 

la 



45i 



In the year 1293, in the reign of king Edward I. he 
was made lord chancellor of England, and continued 
in that high office nine years. In the same reign, 
a. n. 1305, he was consecrated bishop of this diocese, 
and being a person of extraordinary prudence, was 
in the year 1310, appointed to be one of those 
called Ordainers, whose business was to be near the 
person of the king (Edward II.) and advise him con- 
cerning the better government of his kingdom, and 
indeed of himself, who was most fatally misled by 
his favourite Piers Gaveston : and sometime after- 
wards, in the miserable distractions of that prince's 
reign, by his wisdom and prudence, he endeavoured 
with some success, to promote the peace of the king- 
dom. This bishop was not more remarkable for his 
prudence than his generosity. He gave 100/. to the 
university of Oxford, deposited in a chest, with this 
intent — that any poor graduate might on moderate 
security, borrow out of it a small sum for a short 
time; and it is called to this day bishop Langton's 
chest. He laid out 310/. in building the great window 
in this cathedral, and the bishop's chapter-house — - 
and 100/. towards repairing the church. He left 
likewise to the church an estate in the parish of 

g g 2 Selsea, 



452 

Selsea, called Medmery, with a large stock of cattle 
on it. In the year 13 15, the earl of Warren was 
excommunicated by him for adultery, and when the 
earl went to the bishop with a certain number of 
men in arms, as if he would lay violent hands upon 
him, the bishop calling to him his domestic servants 
and dependants, apprehended the earl and those that 
were with him, and cast them all into prison. He 
died the 19th of July, 1337, having filled the epis- 
copal chair of this diocese about thirty-three years. 

Robert Stratford, bishop of Chichester, was 
born at Stratford-upon-Avon, in Warwickshire. He 
was a prelate of great resolution and courage, and 
had the honour and execution of the highest offices 
iii the state. In the year 1338, he was made lord 
chancellor, and keeper of the great seal. He was 
consecrated bishop of Chichester the 1 1th of Novem- 
ber in the same year. Two years after which, viz. 
a. d. 1340, he was with king Edward III, in his camp 
before Tournay; but falling deeply under the king's 
displeasure, was sent to the Tower : from whence 
however he was soon discharged, but with the loss 
of his office as chancellor. He afterwards procured 
of the same king a charter of great privileges for 

this 



453 

this church, and a confirmation of all former ones. 
In 1348, when king Edward removed the staple of 
wool out of Flanders, and settled it with rights and 
great privileges in seven cities of England, he pro- 
cured the city of Chichester to be one of them ; by 
which it received great advantages. He sat here 
about thirty-four years, and died at Aldingbourn, 
the 8th day of April, 1362. 

William de Lenn, or Lulimere, doctor of laws, 
and dean of Chichester, was consecrated into this 
see in the end of June, 1362, and was translated six 
years after to the see of Worcester, leaving this 
see to 

William Read, s. t. p. who was appointed by 
papal provision, October the 11th, anno 1369. He 
was provost of Wengham-college, doctor of divinity 
and fellow of Merton-college, Oxford. Leland in 
Bale gives this description of him, viz. He graced 
Merton-college partly by his eminent learning, and 
partly by the excellent library of books which he 
gave it after he had built a convenient place to re- 
ceive them. Among other sorts of learning his great 
care was to encourage the study of the mathematics; 
and from thence it comes that there are some astro- 

g g 3 nomical 



454 

nomical tables of his composing. These things he 
did in his youth ; but when he was arrived at man's 
estate, he bestowed all his labours on divinity : and 
being adorned with the highest dignity of that pro- 
fession, he was at length made bishop of this see, in 
which while he sat he built a castle of most excellent 
work at Amberley, upon the banks of the river Arun. 
He also put out another work, which he called (C A 
Table of Canons." He left his astronomical tables 
in the above-mentioned college, which (as it is re- 
ported) are still to be seen there, with his picture 
drawn to the life. He died in the year 1385. 

Thomas Runshooke was translated from LandafF 
to this see, about the middle of October the same 
year. He was a Dominican friar, and confessor to 
king Richard II. which though it was the means of 
his rise, was soon the cause of his fall. For when 
the barons rose in arms against the king, he was 
banished by the court, and all his goods confiscated 
by authority of parliament in March 1388. He 
seems also at the same time to have been forced to 
relinquish his bishoprick, for a little after he is called 
in the king's archives, Thomas late bishop of Chi- 
chester. 

Richard 



455 

Richard Mitford succeeded him anno 1389, 
and being translated to Salisbury in 1395, 

Robert Waldby, arch-bishop of Dublin, in 
Ireland, was removed hither the same year, and the 
next year was made arch-bishop of York — when 

Robert Read, a Dominican friar, and then 
bishop of Carlisle, was at the request of Richard II. 
declared by the pope, at the end of the year 1396, 
bishop of Chichester, although William Strickland 
had been duly chosen to that office. He procured 
a cross of excellent workmanship to be set up in the 
market-place, and departed this life about Whitsun- 
tide, 1417 and 

Stephen Patrington, bishop of saint David's, 
was removed to this see in the month of December 
the same year, but died before his translation could 
be perfected, and was buried in the church of the 
White friars, Fleet-street, London.* 

Heniy Ware, l. l. d. the arch-bishop of Can- 
terbury's official, was consecrated in the month of 
May, anno 1418, and dying four years after, viz. 
in the year 1422. 

g g 4 John 

• Fuller's W, p. 19^. 



45^ 

John Kemp, bishop of Rochester, was trans- 
lated hither ; and within the compass of the same 
year, was removed to London, and after having been 
bishop of York, and raised to Canterbury, was cre- 
ated cardinal also. In this see he was succeeded by 

Thomas Poldon, bishop of Hereford, 1422, 
who was possessed of this see but a very few years 
before he was translated to Worcester, and 

John Rickingale, doctor of divinity, educated 
at Cambridge, of which and the church of York he 
was chancellor, was consecrated bishop of this see in 
the parish-church of Mortlake, June 3, 1429. Upon 
his tomb these verses are said to have been engraven : 

Ci Tu qualis cris ? quid mundi quseris honores." 

IN ENGLISH. 

See, what thou soon shall be ! Why dost thou seek 
Worldly honours ? Think on thy sins, and weep. 
Behold in me, what thou shalt shortly be, 
Death at the doors, cries— come along with me. 

Simon Sidenham, doctor of laws, dean of Salis- 
bury, was consecrated bishop of this see, February 
12, 1430, although it is evident that one Thomas 
Bromis, doctor of laws, was canonically chosen by 
the chapter of Chichester/and most earnestly re- 
commended 



457 

commended, February 4, 1429, by the university 
of Oxford, (where he was educated) by an epistle 
written in his favour. He died in the beginning of 
February, 1437. 

Richard Praty, chancellor of the university of 
Oxford, succeeded him 1438, and departed this life 
about the feast of saint James, July 25, 1445, soon 
after which 

Adam Molins, doctor of laws, was chosen into 
this see. He was dean of Salisbury, and of saint 
Birin in Cornwall, and had formerly been secretary 
of his majesty's council ; and was consecrated in the 
month of November in the same year : soon after 
which he was constituted keeper of the privy-seal. 
He was slain at Portsmouth by certain mariners, who 
were sent on purpose, employed by Richard duke 
of York, to commit that wicked fact, July 9, 1449. 
He gave for the ornament of the high altar in his 
church, cloaths of silk, of a crimson colour, which 
was anciently called purple, of great value. To him 
succeeded 

Reginald Peacock, of whom Bale thus speaks; 
Reginald Peacock, in Latin Pavo, leaving Wales his 
native country, betook himself to Oxford, where 

being 



458 

Toeing a student in Oriel college, he laboured after 
the attainment not only of eloquence, but also of 
divine and human knowledge. When he had finished 
the course of his studies, and commenced doctor of 
divinity, he was for his excellent learning and elo- 
quence, made first bishop of saint Asaph, and then 
~of this place, 1449, by the favour and interest (as 
it is said) of duke Humphrey, while he governed 
the kingdom. This good man seeing many blas- 
phemous opinions to grow up among the clergy 
against the divine ordinances, especially about the 
Lord's supper; not only encouraged those that wrote 
and spoke against them, (as Roger Onely, David 
Boys, his countryman, Philip Norris an Irishman, 
and some others) but he himself engaged in the 
cause for twenty years and more, and delivered many 
things, both by word and writing, against the ido- 
latry and devilish doctrines of Anti-christ. At length 
he was cited to a synod at Lambeth, that he might 
give an account of his doctrine before Thomas 
Bourchier, then arch-bishop of Canterbury, where 
he was overthrown, and condemned to imprison- 
ment, and the fire, not by the holy scriptures, 
proper arguments, or convincing reasons, but by 

authority, 



459 

authority, force, art, fraud, fear, terror, and tyranny, 
and at length constrained to recant in saint Paul's 
church, December 4, 1457, his books, of which he 
had written many volumes, being burnt before his 
face. Several parts of the holy scriptures he trans- 
lated into the English tongue, which we do not find 
that he was blamed for in these times. The opinions 
which he was condemned for holding and maintain- 
ing, are said to be these, or some such like : that 
human reason is not to be prefered before the writ- 
ings of the old and new Testaments — that bishops 
buying their admissions of the Roman pontiff sin, 
&c. that the office of a Christian bishop, above all 
other things, is to preach the word of God — that 
the use of the sacraments, as they were then adminis- 
tered, was not agreeable to the law of nature — that 
no man was bound to believe and obey the deter- 
minations of the church of Rome — that the apostles 
themselves did not frame the creed that goes under 
their name, and that in it it was not mentioned that 
Christ descended into hell — that of the four senses 
of scripture, the first and proper is only to be taken 
notice of — that he little esteemed the authority of 

the fathers in some points and condemned the 

wilful 



460 



wilful begging of friars as a thing idle and needless. 
For these, and some other doctrines, which he was 
said to teach, as soon as duke Humphry was dead he 
was called in question, as mentioned before, and 
brought to an open recantation. He is said to have 
maintained other heresies ( as they called them ) both 
in preaching and writing for twenty years past and 
more, viz. That we are not bound by necessity of 
faith to believe that Christ after his death descended 
into hell — that it is not necessary to salvation to 
believe in the holy catholick church, the communion 
of saints, and the body of Christ to be materially in 
the sacrament — that the universal church may err in 
matters of faith, and that it is not necessary to salva- 
tion to believe, that what every general council doth 
ordain for the help of our faith, and salvation of 
mens' souls, should be holden by all faithful Chris- 
tians. All which being ready drawn up in form, he 
read, and declared his renunciation of as errone- 
ous and heretical, his books being burnt before 
his face at the same time. What became of him 
after this, we find not; if he was set at liberty, as 
we may reasonably suppose he was, he soon repented 
of his recantation, for he was soon after taken up 

again 



461 



again, and imprisoned, where some say he was pri- 
vately made away with, and killed, and so obtained 
the crown of martyrdom. 

John Arundel, doctor of physic, succeeded 
1459 — and to him 

Edward Storv, doctor of divinity, fellow of 

Pembroke-Hail, in Chambridge, some time afterwards 

president of saint Michael's hospital there. He was 

consecrated bishop of Carlisle, October 14, 1468, 

and when he had sat nine or ten years there, was 

translated hither in 1478. He built the cross in the 

market-place, which for beauty and magnificence 

equalled, if not surpassed, any in the kingdom : and 

that the citv might not be at anv charge with it, he 

left (we are told) an estate at Amberley, worth full 

25/. per annum, to keep it inconstant repair; which 

a few years afterwards the mayor and corporation 

sold in order to purchase another of the same value 

nearer home. He founded also the grammar-school 

in this citv, a. d. 1497, and died in January 1502, 

rfl the eightieth year of his age, and was buried behind 

the high altar in a plain tomb, on the north side, 

which he had a little before built for himself in his 

own cathedral. His successor was 

Richard 



4^2 



Richard Fitz-James, who was translated from 
Rochester, anno 1504, and in 1506, again translated 
to London and succeeded by 

Robert Shurborn, the fourth of that name * 
He was a Hampshire man, educated at Wickham- 
school, and fellow of New-college, Oxford, who 
having passed through divers preferments, as canon 
of Lincoln, prebendary of Wells, arch-deacon of 
Taunton and Huntington, and at last dean of saint 
Paul's, London, was in 1505, elected bishop of saint 
David's, under the title of Consiliarius Regius, and 
from thence in 1508, removed to the see of Chi- 
chester. The former and better years of his life were 
employed in the service of the state, under king 
Henry VII, as ambassador to foreign courts ; where 
he was esteemed as a man of great integrity, prudence 
and address. He was easy of access, courteous and 
affable to all. He increased the number of singing- 
men in the choir, and repaired and beautified the 
church. A history of the foundation of the church, 

curiously 

* In the record indeed he is called the fourth of that name, 
by which we are to understand the name of Robert, not that of 
Shurborn. He was the fifth Robert, if Dr. Passelcw be reckon- 
ed, as he ought to be, in the number of bishops. 



4^3 

curiously painted in the south aile of the church, 
together with the pictures of the kings of England, 
from William the Conqueror, and also those of the 
bishops, both of Selsea and Chichester, were done 
at his charge, and under his direction, by Bernardi, 
an Italian. What the colouring and expression of 
both the kings and bishops originally was cannot be 
determined now, the colours being nearly obliterated 
by the hand of time, at least reduced to one uniform 
sameness. But as nothing mortal is perfect, this 
great and good man had his failings. He was of too 
easy credulity, especially in the latter part of his life, 
and too fond of the marvellous; as appears plain 
enough from the history and characters which he has 
annexed to Wilfrid and Richard. Some of the pre- 
bends of this church w 7 ere founded by him, which he 
directed to be filled by persons educated at either of 
William of Wickham's colleges. He died the 21st 
of August, 1336, in the ninety-sixth year of his age. 
Richard Sampson, doctor of laws, and dean of 
the king's chapel, was elected to this see and conse- 
crated June 9, 1536. He having sat seven years 
here, was translated to Litchfield in 1543, and 

George 



464 

George Day, doctor of divinity, succeeded 
him. He had been provost of King's college, in 
Cambridge, ten years, and was from thence removed 
to this see, to which he was consecrated anno 1543. 
He was deprived in 1551, by king Edward VI. and 
imprisoned ; but after two years confinement, Was 
restored to his see t>y queen Mary. He died August 
2, 1556, and 

John Scory, doctor of divinity, and bishop of 
Rochester, was translated hither 1552, but had not 
held it more than two years when he was ejected by 
the accession of queen Mary to the throne. In the 
time of his suspension he was famous for an epistle 
to the faithful in prison, or other troubles for the 
word of God, and several other treatises proper for 
such as w T ere fellow-sufferers with him, as saint Austin, 
of the perseverance of the saints, saint Cyprian's 
sermon of mortality, and exhortation to martyrdom, 
&c. He survived queen Maryland being made 
chaplain to queen Elizabeth, was, in the beginning 
of her reign, made bishop of Hereford, which he 
enjoyed to his death, which happened at his palace 
at Whitburn, in the county of Hereford, June 16, 
1585. 

John 



4^5 



John Christopherson, doctor of divinity, master 
of Trinity-college, Cambridge, and dean of Norwich, 
was raised to this see, 1557, in the place of doctor 
Scory, deprived by queen Mary. He was a Lanca- 
shire man by birth, and educated in saint John's 
college, Cambridge. The time that he sat here was 
not more than one year, being deprived on the ac- 
cession of queen Elizabeth, the 17th of November, 
1558. In the task of persecution he was coadjutor 
to bishop Bonner, and appears to have been equally 
zealous with him in the work of death, though not 
so extensively infamous, C( which mindeth me (says 
" doctor Fuller) of an epigram made by one, who 
w being suitor to a scornful mistress, after he had 
c< praised her for her great beauty and divine per- 
" fections, concluded — 

" She hath too much divinity for me : 

" Oh ! that she had some more humanity !" 

" the same may be said of Christopherson ; though 
* he carried much of Christ in his name ; yet did he 
" bear nothing of him in his nature, no meekness, 
" mildness, or mercy ; being wholly addicted to 
" cruelty and destruction, burning no fewer than ten 
u persons in one fire in Lewes, and seventeen others 

h h '• at 



466 

a at several times, in sundry places/'* — —To the 
library of Trinity he gave many books, Hebrew, 
Greek, and Latin, and built new lodgings in the 
college for the accommodation of the presidents. It 
must be confessed that he was a man of considerable 
learning. In his youth he translated the history of 
Eusebius into Latin, wherein the persecutions of the 
Christian church, for the three first centuries, are re- 
lated ; and, as if he had studied the arts of cruelty 
in the school of the Heathens, he practised them 
upon the people of his diocese, and like a tyrant, 
rejoiced at their sufferings. None of the ten who 
were burned at Lewes, w T ere taken up but two or 
three days before their execution. The writ for 
their burning could not have been obtained regularly; 
and therefore their persecutors must answer to God 
for their blood. 

William Barlow, d. d. was a native of Essex, 
and had his first preferment in that county, being 
made canon regular of saint Osyth. By Henry the 
eighth he was made bishop of saint Asaph, and con- 
secrated the 2 2d of February, 1535. From thence 
in 1536, translated to the see of saint David, where 

he 
* See Fuller's Worthies, p, 101. 



4^7 

he sat till 1547, when he was appoinect to that 
of Bath and Wells ; from which 1553 he was expelled 
the first of Mary, and flying with many others into 
Germany, lived in a poor condition. On the acces- 
sion of queen Elizabeth to the crown, he returned 
into England, and was confirmed in this see the 20th 
of December, 1559, which he filled eight or nine 
years: and dying in August 1568, was buried in the 
cathedral. He had five daughters who were married 
to five bishops, as appears by his wife's monument 
in a church-yard in Hampshire. 

Hie Agathse Tumulus Barloi Prcesulis indc 
Exulis inde ; iterum Praesulis, Uxor erat 

Prole beata fuit, plena annis, quinque suaruin 
Prsesulibus vidit, Praesulis ipsa, datas. 

IN ENGLISH. 

Barlow's wife Agatha doth here remain, 
bishop, then exile, bishop then again ; 
So long she liv'd, so well his children sped, 
She saw five bishops his five daughters wed. 

In his time the queen founded the college church of 
Westminster, and made him the first canon of the 
first stall, which he held, together with his bishop- 
rick, till the day of his death, 

h h 2 Richard 



468 



Richard Curteys, s. t. p. succeeded him in this 
see — in which he was confirmed the 26 th of April, 
1570. He was a native of Lincolnshire, some time 
fellow of saint John's college, Cambridge, and proc- 
tor of that university. He wrote several treatises, 
and some sermons, which he caused to be printed. 
He died in August, 1582, and the spiritualities of 
this see were seized by commission from the arch- 
bishop, the 1st of September, the same year. After 
his death the see was vacant three years. 

Thomas Bickley, s. t. p. and warden of Merton- 
college, Oxford, was consecrated to this see. He 
was born at Stow, in Buckinghamshire, but being 
educated at Magdalen-school, Oxford, while he was 
choirister there, became at length a scholar and fel- 
low of the house. In the beginning of king Edward 
the sixth's reign, he was made the king's chaplain, 
and recommended by the" university to be one of 
that king's preachers at Windsor, where he shewed 
himself forward and zealous for the reformation then 
beginning. The Roman catholicks hated him much 
upon that account, and those that were not against 
a reformation, were not much pleased with his over 
hastiness; whereupon, when queen Mary came to 

the 



4^9 

the throne,, he found it necessary for him to leave 
his college, and go into a voluntary exile, He fled 
into France, and there spent most of that queen's 
reign, in study at Paris and Orleans, where he im- 
proved himself much in learning, and the French 
tongue. Ke returned into England a little after the 
queen's death, and being made chaplain to arch- 
bishop Parker, he soon after was preferred by doctor 
Benham, bishop of Litchfield, to the arch-deaconry 
of Stafford, and a prebend of Litchfield, and at 
length by the arch-bishop's means, was put into the 
mastership of Merton-college, which he governed 
most commendably twentv years. Being then near 
eighty years of age, he was offered this see, and not 
very willingly accepted of it by reason of his age, 
yet being over-persuaded ( for he was not covetous 
of honours) he was installed March 3, 1585, and 
held it eleven years, much beloved and honoured in 
his diocese. He dyed at Aldingbourn, April 30, 
1596, act. 90, and was buried in his cathedral, under 
a decent monument, with a large inscription, in 
Wood's Athena:, vol. 1. p. 614. By his last will he 
gave forty pounds for the ceiling and paving of Mag- 
dalen-school, and one hundred pounds to Merton- 

ii ii 3 college., 



470 

college, to buy lands, of five pounds per annum, to 
be given to one of the fellows that studied divinity, 
to preach a public sermon, which after his death was 
ordered to be given to a preacher, in Merton- 
college church, on May-day yearly, as it still con- 
tinues, before the university ; and some other legacies 
for pious uses. To him succeeded 

Anthony Watson, who had been fellow of 
Bennet^college, Cambridge, and was at the time of 
his election to this see, chancellor of the church of 
Wells, and dean of Bristol. He was consecrated 
August 15, 1596, but was allowed for some time to 
keep his deanry with his bishoprick. Queen Elizabeth 
being offended with doctor Fletcher, made him her 
almoner, as he continued part of king James the 
first's reign. He died at his house at Cheam in 
Surry, and was buried in the church there, Septem- 
ber 1605. He lived a single life, as his predecessor 
had done, and by his will gave 100/. to Christ's 
college in Cambridge, and some other legacies. 

Lancelot Andrews, doctor of divinity, and 
dean of Westminster, succeeded him; and was con- 
secrated November 3, 1605. He was the most einn 
nent divine of his time ; and on that account was 

soon 



soon more highly prefered, being removed to Ely, 
four years after; yet while he sat in this see he was 
singled out by king James I. to be one of those emi- 
nent preachers, and sound churchmen, who were to 
preach before that king at Hampton-court, for the 
conviction of the two Melyins, and other presbyte- 
rians, in the truth of the doctrine and discipline of 
the church of England. 

Samuel Harsnet, doctor of divinity, and arch- 
deacon of Colchester, succeeded him. He was edu- 
cated at Pembroke-hall, Cambridge, of which he 
was fellow, and at length master, and from thence 
prefered to this see, anno 1609, where, after ten 
years stay, he was removed to Norwich, and then 
to York. 

George Charleton, born at Norham in North- 
umberland, who being a boy of pregnant parts, was 
educated by the care of the northern apostle, Bernard 
Gilpin, who placed him in the university of Oxford, 
and supported him there, After he had taken his 
degree in arts, he was elected fellow of Merton- 
college, in which while he remained, he had the 
reputation of an excellent orator and poet; and 
after applying himself to divinity, became so eminent 

h ii 4 therein, 



472 

therein, that Camden extols him above all in his 
time, for his singular knowledge in that holy science : 
we do not find that he had any preferments before 
he was made bishop of LandafF, because he sought 
to deserve them, rather than have them, too seldom 
the case in these matters ; however, being brought 
into public,, his learning became so conspicuous, 
that he was sent the same year by king James I. to 
the synod of Dort, where he acquitted himself so 
well to the credit of the nation, that the king pre- 
fered him to this see, upon his return in 1619. He 
was a person well read in the fathers, and schoolmen, 
and of a solid judgment, but a severe Calvinist, and 
a bitter enemy to the Papists, as his writings, which 
were many, do most of them show ; and more par- 
ticularly his answer to doctor Montague's appeal and 
sermon. He lived to a good old age, and dying in 
May 1628, was buried in the choir of his cathedral 
at Chichester, near the altar. He left a son, Henry 
Charleton, but he proved no good friend to bishops, 
for being a member of the parliament that met 
November 3, 1640;, he was a captain to keep them 
from sitting, 

Richard 



473 

Richard Montague, upon his death, was elected 
into this see, and consecrated by the arch-bishop at 
Croydon, in 1628. He was born at Dorney, in 
Buckinghamshire, educated at Eton, and became 
fellow of King's college, Cambridge. He passed 
through a variety of preferments before he was 
bishop, for he was chaplain to king James I. pre- 
bendary of Wells, arch-deacon and dean of Hereford, 
canon of Windsor, fellow of Eton-college, and 
rector of Petworth. He continued ten years in this 
see, and being well known by king James to be a 
person very well versed in the fathers and ancient 
monuments of the Christian church, was commanded 
by that prince, as the fittest person then known, to 
review and purge the church history, which had been 
corrupted lately by Baronius, and other Roman 
catholick writers, which he accordingly undertook ; 
great labour and pains he spent in this work, both 
while he remained in this see, and when he was after- m 
wards removed to Norwich ; for though he was in his 
last years much afflicted with a quartan ague, yet he 
never gave over writing. He died anno 1641, and 
left great heaps of papers fairly written with his own 
hand ; concerning ecclesiastical history ; but into 

whose 



whose hands they fell, or what became of them after 
his death, is not Jaiown : for they have not yet ap- 
peared in public. 

Brian Duppa, or de Uphaugh, succeeded in 
this see, 1638. He was educated at Westminster- 
school, and from thence being elected to Christ's 
church, Oxford, he became a student there, and at 
length dean. Having taken his doctor's degree in 
divinity, he was made chaplain to the prince Palatine, 
chancellor to the church of Salisbury, and at length 
tutor to prince Charles, (afterwards king Charles II.) 
which proved his greatest happiness, for soon after 
he was presented to the rich parsonage of Petworth, 
and elected to this see of Chichester, which he held 
some time together. In 1641, he was translated to 
Salisbury; but episcopacy being presently silenced, 
he fled to the king to Oxford, and left him not 'till 
his death ; after which he retired to Richmond, in 
Surry, where he spent his time in great devotion, 
'till the restoration of king Charles II. who gave him 
the see of Winchester soon after. 

Henry King was made bishop of Chichester 
upon the removal of doctor Duppa to Salisbury. He 
had the latter part of his school education at West- 

* minster, 



475 

minster,, and from thence was elected student of 
Christ's church in 1608. Having taken his degrees, 
and entered into holy orders, he became a florid 
preacher, and was successively prefered to be chap- 
lain to kins James I. arch-deacon of Colchester, re- 
sidentiary of saint Paul's, and at length dean of 
Rochester in 163S. In 1641 he was made bishop of 
this see, where he continued to his death, saving that 
the long parliament gave him, as it did the other 
bishops, a quietus for nineteen years. He lived to 
king Charles the seconds restoration, and recovered 
his see again, which he governed nine years to his 
death, which happened October 1, 1669. During 
the time of his suspension, he lived for the most part 
with sir Richard Hobart, who married his sister, and 
was maintained by him in a manner. He is said to 
have been always puritanically affected, and for that 
reason to have at first been preferred to this diocese; 
but however that be, he was certainly a person of 
an unblemished reputation, and from the time of his 
return to his diocese, highly esteemed both by the 
clergy and gentry, being looked upon as the epitome 
of all honours, virtues, and generous nobleness, and 
a man never to be forgotten by his tenants and the 

poor, 



47 6 

poor. He preached the funeral sermon of doctor 
Duppa with great applause, and hath left many valu- 
able books of his writing, in print. He was buried 
in his cathedral of Chichester, on the south-side of 
the choir near the altar ; and an handsome monu- 
ment soon after set over his grave by his widow, 
who married doctor Millington, the king's physician. 
Peter Gunning succeeded doctor king, and 
was consecrated to this see March 6, 1669. He had 
his school education at Canterbury, and at the uni- 
versity he was first placed at Clare-hall, Cambridge, 
where he was made fellow, and being master of arts 
took upon him the cure of Little St. Mary's, by 
Peterhouse. About this time the grand rebellion 
began, and he in zeal to the church, openly de- 
clared against that prevailing faction; and was not 
afraid in a sermon in Great St. Mary's church, to 
urge the university to protest against the rebellious 
league then making. When the covenant was put 
to him, he resolutely refused to take it; and so was 
thrown out of his fellowship, yet not without such 
opposition as he was able to give, viz. "An Antidote 
against taking the Covenant," which was soon after 
published. From Cambridge he, and some other 

ejected 



477 

ejected fellows, fled to Oxford, his majesty's chief 
quarters at that time, and was entertained by doctor 
Pink and Mr. Jasper Main, the former of whom made 
him a chaplain of New-college, and the latter his 
curate at Cassington near by, which he held 'till the 
surrender of Oxford to the parliament. After this 
he became tutor to the lord ITatton and sir Francis 
Compton, and last of all chaplain to sir Robert 
Shirley, who admiring his learning and arguing 
faculty in silencing a Popish priest in several dispu- 
tations, settled 100/. a year upon him for life. After 
sir Robert's death (which he suffered in the Tower 
for his loyalty) he kept up a congregation in Exeter- 
house, in the Strand, where he read the English 
liturgy, preached, and administered sacraments ac- 
cording to iae order of the church of England, in 
spite of all opposition from the enemies of it ; and 
so continued 'till the king's restoration: when his 
zeal and constancy met with a just reward; for he 
was not only minister of Cotesmore, in Rutlandshire, 
and Stoke-Brewen, in Northamptonshire, but pre- 
bendary of Canterbury, master, first of Corpus 
Christi-college, and then of saint John's, in Cam- 
bridge, Margaret professor of divinity, and after the 

death 



47 8 



death of doctor Tuckney, regius^-from whence he 
was chosen to this see, and consecrated March 6, 
1669, in which see he continued 'till the death of 
doctor Lancy, bishop of Ely, which happenning in 
the latter end of 1674> he was removed from hence 
to that see. 

Ralph Brideake succeeded him in this see. He 
was bred in New-college, Oxford, where he was pro- 
chaplain, and corrector of the press; in which place 
he pleased doctor Thomas Jackson president of Christ- 
church college, (whose books were then printing) 
so well, that he prefered him to be school-master of 
Manchester free-school. Here he got into the earl 
of Derby's favour, and was made his chaplain, to the 
great satisfaction of himself and family. When 
Latham-house was besieged by the parliament forces, 
he was in it all the time, and did good service ; and 
when the king's cause declined, he stuck close to the 
earl and his family, and managed their estate. When 
his lord, James earl of Derby, was taken by the par- 
liament forces, and was in danger of losing his life, 
he solicited Lenthall, the speaker, with so much ap- 
plication and reason, that Lenthall, though he could 
not save his lord's life, was so far in love with his 

briskness, 



479 

briskness and parts,, that he made him his chaplain, 
and soon after preacher of the Rolls, and at length 
rector of Witney in Oxfordshire, where in praying, 
preaching, and catechising every Lord's day in the 
evening, he out-did all the godly brethren there- 
abouts, as he did also when he obtained the living of 
saint Bartholomew, near the Exchange, London . 
When the king came in, he, by his artful industry, 
got to be one of his chaplains, and a canon of Wind- 
sor, after which he became doctor of divinity, rector 
of Standish, in Lancashire, dean of Salisbury, and at 
length, by the interest of the dutchess of Portsmouth, 
bishop of this see, to which he was consecrated 
April 18, 1G75. lie held his canonry of Windsor 
with his bishoprick to his death, which happened as 
he was visiting his diocese, October 5, 1G78. He 
was buried in Bray's chapel, in Windsor-castle, and 
an handsome monument was put up over him soon 
after by his wife. 

Guy Carleton succeeded him ; born at Brani- 
ton-foot, in Gilsland, educated in grammar at Car- 
lisle, and in higher learning in Queen's college, Ox- 
ford, where he was chosen fellow; and in 1635, 
bore the office of one of the proctors of the univer- 
sity. 



480 

sity. Before the civil wars he was vicar of Buckles- 
bury, near Newbury, in Berkshire, but upon the 
open rupture between the king and parliament, he 
took part with the king, and so had his share in suf- 
ferings with other royalists. After king Charles the 
second's restoration, he became doctor of divinity, 
dean of Carlisle, and prebendary of Durham, all 
which, but the last, he left when he was made bishop 
of Bristol, in 1671, where having remained seven 
years, he was translated to this see of Chichester 
1678, in which he continued about the same space of 
time. He died in the city of Westminster, during his 
attendance in the parliament, July 6, 1685, and was 
succeeded in this see by 

John Lake, doctor of divinity, in August 1685; 
born in Yorkshire, and educated in saint John's 
college, Cambridge, from whence removing, he went 
through divers preferments before he came to this 
see ; for he was rector of saint Botolph's church, near 
Bishopgate, London, rector of Prestwick in Cheshire, 
to which he was instituted October 17, 1668, pre- 
bendary of Friday-Thorp in the church of York, in 
which city he was a preacher for some time, and 
there obtained the arch-den conry of Clieveland, 

October 



481 



October 13, 1680. Two years after this, viz. in 
1682, he was nominated by William earl of Derby, 
to the see of Man, and in December consecrated to 
it ; but before he had continued two years in it he was 
elected to the see of Bristol, to which he was conse- 
crated in Bow T -church, London, September 1, 1684, 
but was scarce well settled, when, by the death of 
doctor Carleton, he was called to the succession of 
this see. While he presided here, king James II. 
put out his declaration of liberty of conscience for 
all sorts of dissenters to the established church ; and 
ordered that it should be published by the incum- 
bents of all parishes throughout England ; which the 
bishops were generally averse to, and agreed to put 
up a petition to the king to recall the order ; and 
to avoid giving offence, subscribed it only with 
seven hands, of which this bishop was one, The 
king was much displeased with this action, and hav- 
ing consulted such as told him it was a scandalous 
libel against his majesty and his government, im- 
prisoned him, with six other bishops, in the Tower, 
June 8, 1688. They soon procured their release, 
but it was not long before they fell under other hard- 
ships : for the prince of Orange being invited over 

i i to 



482 



to restrain the violent proceedings of king James to 
bring in Popery, and for that end settled on the 
throne; when the oath of allegiance to him was 
tendered them, this bishop refused it, (as did most 
of the rest ) and was deprived. He died August 
1689, and his see before his death was given to 

Simon Patrick, doctor of divinity, dean of 
Peterborough, and minister of Covent-Garden, Lon- 
don ; he was bred in Queen's college, Cambridge, 
where he was fellow, and at length elected master ; 
but doctor Anthony Sparrow, who had been ejected 
in 1643, got it from him by a mandamus, whereupon 
he returned to Battersea, his living, but was soon 
removed from thence to Covent-Garden, and while 
he was there obtained several preferments, viz. to 
be chaplain to king Charles II. sub-dean of West- 
minster, and dean of Peterborough. At. the revolu- 
tion in 1689, upon the deprivation of doctor Lake, 
he was promoted to this see, where he remained 
about two years, and then Was transferred to the 
bishoprick of Ely. He hath written many theologi- 
cal discourses, which shew him to have been a very 
learned divine, and an orthodox church of England 
man. Upon his translation to Ely, 

Robert 



483 

Robert Grove, doctor of divinity, of Cambridge, 
was chosen his successor, and consecrated to it August 
30, 1691, by doctor Tillotson, then arch-bishop of 
Canterbury, the bishops of Winchester, Sarum, &c. 
in Bow-church, London, He died of a broken leg 
September 29, in the sixty-second year of his age. 

John Williams, doctor of divinity, prebendary 
of Canterbury, after the death of bishop Grove, was 
advanced to this see, December 13, 1696. 

Thomas Manningham, doctor of divinity, rector 
of saint Andrew's, in Holborn, was consecrated the 
13th of November, 1709. He enjoyed this bishop- 
rick several years, died the 24th of August, 1722, 
and was buried in saint Andrew's, Holborn, being 
succeeded by 

Thomas Bowers, doctor of divinity, and pre- 
bendary of Canterbury, was consecrated November 
19, 1722, who living in it but a short time, left it to 

Edward Waddington, doctor of divinity, fellow 
of Eton -college, and rector of All-hallows the Great, 
in the city of London, was installed into this see 
November 7, 1724, which he held only seven years, 
and dying in 1731, left behind him the most endear- 

1 1 2 ing 



4 8 4 

ing character of unaffected piety, primitive simpli- 
city of manners, and well directed munificence to the 
utmost extent of his ability. He was succeeded by 

Francis Hare, s. t. p. who was confirmed the 
3d of December of the same year, and sat here some- 
thing more than eight years — and 

Matthias Mawson, s. t. p. was installed the 25th 
day of October, 1740, and filled this see with great 
reputation between thirteen and fourteen years, to 
the year 1754, when 

Sir William Ashburnham, baronet, s. t. p. of 
Broomham, in this county, and nearly related to the 
earl of Ashburnham, was consecrated and confirmed 
therein, in the month of October of the same year. 
This worthy prelate's reputation stands not in need of 
the accidental blaze of heraldry; but rests on the more 
honourable, at least the more amiable, foundation of 
personal merit ; and every virtue which confers dig- 
nity on the man and lustre on the Christian. He 
sat here almost forty-three years, a longer space than 
any of his predecessors have done : died in Chichester 
at the advanced age of eighty-seven years, on the 
4th day of September, 1797, alid was buried in the 

family 



485 

family vault of his forefathers at Broomham * The 
present bishop is 

John Buckner, d. d. who was consecrated a. d. 
1798, and installed the 28th of March, in the same 
year. 

In the preceeding list many of the prelates 
were men of exemplary piety, and considerable 
learning, for the times in which they lived. They 
were the fathers of the city, and of the diocese over 
which they presided. Such were bishops Ralph, 
Seflrid II. Ralph Neville, John de Langton, John 
Arundel, Edward Story, and many others ; some of 
them benefactors to the kingdom in general, patrons 
of learning, and the ornaments of the age in which 
they lived. Many other dignitaries of this church, 

1 1 3 inferior 



* On the 16th day of December, 1 800, his brother, the 
reverend Mr. Charles Ashburnham, departed this life at an ad- 
vanced age. A gentleman, whose unassuming merit, and goodness 
of heart, procured him the respect and love of all who had the 
happiness to know him ; whose assiduity in searching for and re- 
lieving distress, gained him the approbation and esteem of all who 
knew him. It is an unfortunate circumstance that in recording 
the virtues of the good, truth can say nothing of them that par- 
tiality, and sometimes worse motives, cannot say of the undeserv- 
ing. The above character of Mr. Ashburnham, far from exagge- 
ration—is less than his real merit. 



4 86 

inferior indeed to these in name and honour, were 
inferior to few, if any, in piety and worth. Such 
was Bruno Ryves, dean of Chichester. Such was 
doctor William Cox, doctor James Marsh, arch- 
deacon, doctor Henshaw, dean, doctor William Paul, 
doctor Henry Hammond, arch-deacon, Mr. Gregory, 
prebendary, and the late learned and pious William 
Clarke, canon-residentiary. To these may be added 
with propriety, and could not be omitted but with 
great impropriety, doctor William Hayley, and doctor 
Thomas Hayley, both deans of Chichester, the latter 
the grand-father of the present William Hayley, esqr. 
of whom, though I am inhibited, by his strict in- 
junction, from saying any thing ; yet surely I may, 
without offence, repeat the voice of fame concern- 
ing those departed worthies, that they well deserved 
all the lustre that their descendent can reflect on 
their memories, how great soever that lustre may be. 
To many of the clergy of this diocese, and no 
doubt of others, the great and sudden change of the 
times, after 1793, proved very distressing. As the 
price of all the necessaries of life rose to a very 
alarming height, it was natural for them to wish to 
raise the rents of their freeholds, in some degree of 

proportion 



4 8 7 



proportion with the other. In many places their 
endeavours were resisted with the most determinate 
opposition. The alarm was sounded in the parishes, 
meetings were called, and combinations formed to 
frustrate their reasonable intentions ; and that too by 
men of great worth, as far as property could make 
them so. This is not a supposed case ; nor a state- 
ment built on doubtful report, but rests on the 
strongest and most convincing authority ! 



THE DEANS. 



1115 Richard 

1125 Matthew 

1144 Richard 

1158 William 

1172 John de Greneford 

1176 Jordan de Meleburn 

1180 SerTride 

1180 Matthew 

ll^O Nicholas de Aquila 

1196 Ralph 

1197 SerTride 
1220 Simon 
1230 Walter 

1232 Thomas of Lichfield 

1250 Geoffrey 



1262 Walter of Glocester 
1280 William de Bracklesham 
1296 Thomas de Berghstede 
1299 William de Grenefeld 
1.316 John de Sancto Leofardo 
1332 Henry de Garland 
1342 Walter de Segrave 
13o6 William of Lynne 
1 369 Roger de Freton 
1383 Richard Le Scrope 
1400 John de Maydenhith 
1410 Henry Lovel 
1415 Richard Talbot 
1420 William Milton 
1425 John Patten 



1 1 4 



1434 John 



488 



1434 John Hasele 

1478 John Waynflete 

1481 JohnCloos 

1501 Robert Pychard 

1503 Galfridus Symeon 

1526 John Young 

1526 William Fleshsraonger 

1543 Richard Caurden 

1549 Giles Eyer 

1553 Bartholomew Traheron 

1553 William Pye 

1558 Hugh Turnbull 

1566 Richard Curteys 

1570 Anthony Rushe 

John Boxhall 
1577 Martin Culpepper 
1601 William Thorne 
1630 Francis Dee 



1634 Richard Stewart 
1660 Bruno Ryves 
1660 Joseph Henshaw 
1663 Joseph Gluston 
1669 Nathaniel Crew 

1671 Lambroth Thomas- 

1672 George Stradling 
1688 Francis Hawkins 
1699 William Hayley 
1715 Thomas Sherlock 
172S John Newey 
1735 Thomas Hayley 
1739 James Hargraves 

1742 Sir William Ashburnham. 
1754 Thomas Ball 
1f70 Charles Harward 
1790 Combe Miller, the pre- 
sent Dean 



CHAPTER 



489 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF SOME OF THE NATIVES OF THIS COUNTY 
WHO WERE ILLUSTRIOUS IN THEIR TIME FOR THEIR BIRTH, 
MILITARY EXPLOITS, LITERATURE, ScC. 



HERBERT de BOSHAM was born at Bosham, and 
being a good scholar and a ready scribe, was first ap- 
pointed amanuensis and afterwards private secretary 
to Thomas Becket, arch-bishop of Canterbury. He 
was present at his murther, but did not venture to 
make any resistance for fear of sharing the same fate. 
He wrote several books, among which we reckon 
the history of his master's untimely end. He went 
into Italy, and was by the pope, Alexander III. raised 
to the dignity of bishop of Beneventum, and soon 
after, in 1178, to that of cardinal; but of \\hat title 
my author does not say, nor the exact date of 
his death. 

Lawrence Somercote — Bale says (de Scrip. 
Brit. ) was born in the south-part of the kingdom : 

and 



49° 

and as he was canon of Chichester, it may fairly be 
concluded that he was a native of this county. Here 
under the ablest masters, he studied logic and rheto- 
ric ; and applied himself to the study of the law, in 
which he arrived at great eminence. Going to Rome 
he was made sub-deacon under the pope, by the 
interest of his kinsman Robert Somercote, cardinal. 
He wrote several books in French and Latin, and 
flourished a. d. 1240. 

John Driton, according to Bale, was ee ex 
illustri quadam familia Anglias procreatus." He 
signed himself John de Arida Villa, and sometimes 
de Sicca Villa, (Sackville) from whence I conclude 
him to have been a native of this county. Accord- 
ing to the fashion of that time, he finished his edu- 
cation in France ; and became " Summus Gymnasij 
Moderator/* at Paris. At that time the attention of 
the learned was engaged by a book called " The 
Eternal Gospel," the fabrication of two delirious 
monks, Joachim and Cyril — the pope maintained 
the authenticity of this spurious gospel, and anathe- 
matized its impugners as heretics ; among the prin- 
cipal of whom was John Driton, or Sicca Villa. At 
last, though upheld by the infallible decision of saint 

Peter's 



49 l 

Peter's successor, this eternal gospel sunk into eternal 
and deserved silence. He flourished a. d. 1260. 

Thomas Arundel, born at Arundel, was son of 
Robert Fitz-Allen, earl of Arundel. At the early- 
age of twenty-two years he was made bishop of Ely, 
(Vide Godwin) and soon afterwards arch-bishop of 
York; and in 1396 raised to Canterbury. He was 
three times lord chancellor of England, in the reigns 
of Richard II. and Henrv IV. When his brother 
Richard earl of Arundel, was cruelly and unjustly 
brought to the block, by king Richard II. the arch- 
bishop was banished, and would have undergone 
the same fate as his brother, if his order and mitre 
had not saved his head. — Few noblemen, perhaps 
none, at any period of our history, left behind them 
a better character than Richard earl of Arundel : that 
of the arch-bishop was not equally amiable. He was 
the first who persecuted the Lollards, or Wickliffites, 
with fire and faggots. Perhaps he did so from prin- 
ciple : however that may be, his actions in that re- 
spect cannot be defended. Fuller says of him "He 
" who had stopped the mouths of so many servants 
" of God from preaching his word, was himself 
u famished to death by a swelling (and inflammation ) 

" in 



492 

" in his throat/' He died a. d. 1413, and was buried 
in his cathedral at Canterbury. 

Robert Winchelsey was born in the town of 
tha.t name in this county. He learned grammar, &c. 
in the country; from thence he went and studied at 
Merton-college, Oxford, and afterwards at Paris — 
where he became rector of the university. Return- 
ing to England, and to Oxford, he there became 
doctor of divinity, and afterwards chancellor thereof. 
He was successively canon of saint Paul's, London, 
arch-deacon of Essex, and arch-bishop of Canterbury. 
< — His pall he received from the hands of pope 
Celestine.* He refused a cardinal's cap, which was 
offered him ; and returning to Canterbury was there 
solemnly enthroned ; and on the same day conse- 
crated one bishop, bestowed twelve rich benefices 
en twelve doctors, and twelve meaner livings on as 
many bachelors in divinity. Confiding in the canon 
of the council of Lyons, he forbade the clergy to pay 
any taxes to princes, without the consent of the 

pope ; 

* This is the Celeslinc, formerly an Eremite, whom a cer- 
tain cardinal (who succeeded him by the name of Boniface VIII.) 
persuaded by a voice from a hollow trunk, to resign his popedom, 
and return into the wilderness ; which he accordingly did, See 
Fuller's Worthies, p. 102, 



493 

pope; and thereby created much molestation to him* 
self: as the king (Edward I.) used him very harshly 
on that account. He overcome all, at last, by his 
patience. On the main he was a worthy prelate; 
an excellent preacher ; and being learned himself, 
he loved and prefered learned men. His hospitality 
was prodigious ; it is reported that on Sundays and 
Fridays, he fed no fewer than four thousand men, 
when corn was cheap ; and i\\e thousand when it 
was dear: and (says Fuller) that it may not be said 
that his bounty was greater than my belief, I give 
credit thereunto. His charity went home to those 
who could not come for it, sending it to them who 
were absent on account of sickness or other unavoid- 
able hindrance. He died at Otteford, the 11th of 
May, 1313, and was buried in his own cathedral. — 
Though he was not canonized by the pope, vet he 
was sainted by the poor, who were wont to repr.ir 
in vast numbers to his tomb, and pray to him. 

Thomas Bradwardine was descended of an an- 
tient family at Bradwardine, in Herefordshire, who 
removed from thence and settled themselves for three 
generations in this county. This Thomas was born 
in or near Chichester. He was bred fellow of 

Me] 



494 

Mer ton-college, where he became a great mathema- 
tician, and so learned a divine, that he was commonly 
called doctor Profundus. Dryden, treating of pre- 
destination, says, 

" I cannot bolt this matter to the bran, 
" As Bradwardine and holy Austin caii." 

He was confessor to Edward III. and in the camp 
constantly inculcated industry to the officers, obedi- 
ence to the common soldiers, to all humility in 
prosperity, and patience in adversity ; exhorting 
them to be pious towards God, dutiful to the king, 
and merciful to their prisoners. After the death of 
Strafford, being made arch-bishop of Canterbury, he 
received his consecration from the pope at Avignon; 
and owed his advancement merely to his merit. But 
that which chiefly recommends his name to posterity 
is the very famous book which he wrote, called <c De 
Causa Dei," wherein speaking of Pelagius, he says, 
in the second book, cc Totus pcene mundus, et timco 
" et doleo, post hunc abiit, et erroribus suis favet/' 
(I fear and lament that almost the whole world has 
run after him, and favours his errors. ) He was the 
champion of grace in opposition to the defenders of 
free-will. He died at Lambeth, in October, 1349. 

Thomas 



495 

Thomas Sackville, earl of Dorset, son and heir 
to sir Richard Sackville, ( chancellor and privy coun- 
sellor to queen Elizabeth ) was educated at the uni- 
versity of Oxford, where he made great proficiency 
in learning ; as his poems, both Latin and English, 
bear witness. He studied the law in the Temple, 
( where he took the degree of barrister. While a stu- 
dent there, he wrote a tragedy, called " Ferrex and 
Porrex/' (many years before Shakespear's plays were 
known) which was acted, with great applause, before 
the queen, bv the gentlemen of the Inner-Temple, 
at Whitehall, 18th of January, 1561. Soon after 
this he set out on his travels, and was detained some- 
time a prisoner at Rome. On procuring his liberty, 
he returned to England to take possession of the vast 
estate left him by his father, which in a few years he 
greatly reduced bv the magnificence of his manner 
of living : from which he was seasonably reclaimed, 
partly by his own reflections, and partly by the 
friendly admonitions of the queen, to whom he was 
related. On the 8th of June he received the decree 
and dignity of a baron of this realm, by the title of 
baron Buckhurst, in the county of Sussex, the place 
of his nativity. In 1572, he was sent ambassador 

into 



496 

into France, and in 1586, in the same capacity, into 
the Low-Countries, (i. e. to the Dutch.; In 1589, 
he was made knight of the garter; and in 1599, 
treasurer of England — and lastly, in the first or second 
year of king James, was created earl of Dorset. So 
that if he was guilty of prodigality in the early part 
of his life, he afterwards made ample amends for the 
same ; and brought an increase both of estate and 
honour to the very antient and honourable family to 
which he belonged. He died suddenly, at the coun- 
cil table, at Whitehall, the 19th day of April, 1608 ; 
his remains were deposited with great solemnity in 
Westminster-abbey ; his funeral sermon was preached 
by Dr. Abbot, afterwards arch-bishop of Canterbury. 
Sir John Jeffrey, knight, (not the infamous 
lord chancellor under James II. ) was born in this 
county; the particular place my author does not 
mention. His first advancement was to be secondary 
judge of the Common-pleas, from which he was 
raised, in the nineteenth year of queen Elizabeth, to 
be chief baron of the Exchequer : which place he 
filled with much reputation two years. He died in 
the year 1580, leaving only one child, a daughter 
Elizabeth, his heiress, who married Robert Bertie, 
earl of Lindsey. The 



497 

The Abbot of Battle — I cannot (says Fuller) 
trace either his christian or surname in any of our 
chronicles which I have seen — but his worth and 
merits deserve to be recorded. The languid state of 
government in this kingdom, in the reign of Richard 
the second, invited the French to land here ; pillag- 
ing the country, and carrying away the inhabitants 
as prisoners ; till they should be ransomed. Among 
these, in 1301, they made the prior of Lewes pri- 
soner. No wonder, says my author, if the abbot 
was startled at the intelligence, according to the pro- 
verb of those days — 

" Whare the abbot of Battle, 

11 When the prior of Lewes is taken prisoner." 

Whereupon he raised the posse comitatus, and put- 
ing it in as good a posture of defence as the time 
would permit, marched to Winchelsea, and fortified 
it. Thither the French followed him, and besieged 
the place, in hope to have made themselves masters 
of it : till perceiving the country rising, and fearing 
to be surrounded and cut off, they abandoned the 
enterprise, and returned to their ships as expediti- 
ously as they could. — I regard, says Fuller, this abbot 
as the saviour not only of Sussex, but of England : 

k k for 



49§ 

for if the French had not been made to feel the smart, 
as well as taste the sweets of English plunder, our land 
would never have been free from their incursions. 

Sir William Pelham, knight, a native of this 
county, whose antient and wealthy family had long 
flourished therein, on account of his great prudence 
and valour was employed by queen Elizabeth, first 
in Ireland, where he acted as lord chief justice, be- 
tween the death of sir William Drury, and the com- 
ing of lord Arthur Gray, as lieutenant thereof — and 
secondly, in the Low-countries, a. d. 1586, where 
he commanded the English cavalry. — It is supposed 
he survived not long after, as we meet with no fur- 
ther mention of his valour and courage. 

William Pemble was a native of this county ; 
and received his education from the bounty of John 
Baker, of Mayfield, esquire, wherein he excelled so 
much that he reflected a lustre on his generous 
patron. He was bred in Magdalen-hall, in Oxford : 
where he gave lectures, which were attended by the 
gravest and most learned in the university. He was 
an excellent orator ; but his highest praise is, that 
he " unfeignedly sought God's glory, and the good 
of mankind." While he was preparing his lectures 

on 



499 

on the prophecy of Zachariah, and had finished nine 
chapters, he was attacked with a fever, which put an 
end to his valuable life in the flower of his age. He 
wrote several books — his "Vindicias Fidei," or his 
treatise of justification by faith, was so firmly fixed 
in his heart, that on his death-bed he said that he 
would die in the persuasion of justification by the 
righteousness of Christ only. He died a zealous 
Calvinist, at Eton, near Gloucester, a. d. 1623, and 
lies buried in the yard belonging to the church there,, 
on the north-side, under the vew-tree. 

Thomas Chune, esquire, was a native of Sussex, 
and lived at Alfriston. The principal thing that I 
find recorded of him is, that he was a worthy man, 
and published a small manual, called " Collectiones 
Theologicarum Conclusionum/' a. d. 1635. 

Thomas May, the dramatic poet, was born in 
this county, in the year 1597, and educated a fellow 
commoner, at Sidney-college, Cambridge, where he 
sedulously applied himself to the improvement of 
his mind. He afterwards lived in Westminster, and 
at court ; where he was not taken notice of accord- 
ing to his merit, at least according to his expecta- 
tion. He translated Lucan into English, the Georgics 

k k 2 of 



500 

of Virgil,, with annotations, and in the beginning of 
the civil wars, wrote an history of England. He 
died suddenly in the year 1652, in the fifty-fifth 
year of his age, and was buried, near Mr. Camden, 
in the west-side of the north-aisle of Westminster- 
abbey. 

George Martin, born at May field, in this county, 
(Vide Fuller) was bred a fellow of saint John's col- 
lege, Oxford. He was chosen by Thomas duke of 
Norfolk, to be tutor to his son, Philip earl of Arundel, 
and faithfully discharged that important charge. He 
was a staunch Roman catholic, and wrote several 
treatises in defence of that system ; the principal of 
which is (or rather was) called "A detection of the 
corruptions in the English Bible." He was professor 
of divinity in the English college at Rheims, where 
he died a. d. 1582. 

Thomas Stapleton, of the same religious per- 
suasion, was born at Henfield, in this county, bred 
at New-college, Oxford, and (by bishop Christopher 7 
son ) made canon of this church, which he quitted 
on the accession of queen Elizabeth to the throne; 
and fixed his residence at Douay, in France ; where 
he performed the important office of catechist. He 

died and was buried at Louvain, anno 1598. 

John, 



5oi 

John, Henry, and Thomas Palmer, not twin, 
(but trin) sons of Edward Palmer of Angmering, in 
this county. According to doctor Fuller — u their 
" mother was a full fortnight in labour, and on 
" Whitsunday was delivered of John, her eldest son, 
n on the Sunday following of Henry, and on the 
" Sunday next after of Thomas, her third son. These 
" three were knighted for their valour, by Henry 
" the eighth, (who never laid his sword on the 
** shoulders of any who was not a man ) so that they 
" appear as remarkable in their success as their nati- 
■* vities. The truth whereof needs no other attesta- 
" tion than the general an d uncontrolled tradition 
" of their numerous and respectable posterity, in 
" Sussex and Kent. Among whom I reckon (says 
" the doctor) sir Roger Palmer, aged eighty years, 
" lately deceased, cofferer to the king, (Charles I.) 
" who averred to me the truth thereof, on his re- 
" putation. The exact date of the death of these 
" knights, I cannot attain/' 

Leonard Mascall, of Plumsted, Sussex, was 
the first who brought into England carps and pippins, 
according to his own account, in his book on fish- 
ing, fowling, and planting. He lived in the time 

kk3 of 



502 



of Henry VII. and Henry VIII. The year of his death 
is unknown. 

William Withers, born at Walsham, in this 
county, in the year 1570 — at the age of eleven 
years, lay in a trance for ten days, without any sus- 
tenance; and at last, <c coming to himself," uttered 
many strange speeches, inveighing against pride, 
covetousness, and other sins. But let the credit 

hereof (says Fuller) be charged to my author. 

(Holingshed, p. 1315.) 

Nicholas Hostresham, or Horsham — his name 
declares the place of his nativity. He was a learned 
man, and a physician of very great repute among 
the nobility, and men of learning, in the reign of 
Henry VI. In his practice, contrary to the usage of 
those days, he paid a particular regard to the con- 
stitution, habits, temper, Sec. of his patients. He 
wrote many books, enumerated by Bale and Pitz ; 
one of which, "Contra dolorem Renum," (of the 
diseases of the kidneys) begins thus "Lapis quan- 
doque generatur in renibus," i. e. the stone some- 
times is generated in the kidneys. And as the doctor 
never travelled out of the kingdom, this overthrows 
the assertion that the stone was never known in^ 

England 



5°3 



England before the use of hops in beer, as they were 
not introduced here and used in brewing before the 
year 1525, and according to Mr. Anderson's account, 
in three years time prohibited as an ingredient in 
beer, as the physicians represented them to parlia- 
ment to be unwholesome, and of nephritic tendency. 
The family of Shirley was of considerable 
standing in this and the adjoining county of Surry ; 
for both of which sir Randolph Shirley served the 
office of sheriff, in the nineteenth year of the reign 
of the seventh Henry ; as did Richard Shirley, esqr. 
in the seventeenth of his son Henry VIII. — sir Francis 
Shirley in the fifteenth, and Thomas Shirley, esquire, 
in the nineteenth of Elizabeth — and sir John Shirley 
the fourteenth of James I. — The following account 
of this family is copied literally from the ms. notes of 
Mr. Clarke — cc Memorandums of the Shirleys from 
" the monuments in Isfield church — John Shirley, 
" esquire, chief clerk of the kitchen to Henry VII. 
" and cofferer to Henry VIII. died 1526. — Edward 
" Shirley, son of the said John, cofferer to Henry 
" VIII. died 1558. — Thomas Shirley, son of the said 
" Edward, married Anne, daughter of sir Nicholas 
" Pelham, of Laughton, by Anne, sister of sir Nicholas 

k k 4 * f Sackville; 



504 

"Sackville; died 1579.— Sir John Shirley, knight, 
"■ married a daughter of sir Thomas Shirley of Wiston, 
Ci had to his second wife, a daughter of George 
" Goring, of Dany, aunt to the lord Goring — he died 
<e 1647. — In this church, under a monument of the 
" Shirleys, is a flat stone, part covered by the wall, 
" where this part of an inscription is still legible — 

" Stirps Candida Ducum, decus aevi nobile germen 
" Intulit ecclesiis Anglorum balsama merum," &c. 

The before-mentioned Thomas Shirley had a grand- 
son, sir Thomas, who was a great sufferer for king 
Charles I. and a great-grandson, an eminent doctor 
of physic, in the service of king Charles II. who is 
reported to have died of grief, on his being deprived 
of an estate of 3000/. a year, by sir John Fagge, bart. 
John de Camois, lord of the barony of Broad- 
water, was born at Broadwater, about the. middle of 
the thirteenth century, in the reign of Henry III. 
He married Margaret, daughter and sole heiress of 
sir John Gatesden, knight, but perceiving in her 
conduct a partiality to sir William Pay n ell, knight, 
and suspecting a criminal connection to be between 
them, he, by a regular deed of conveyance, gave 
and granted to the said sir William, his wife Margaret, 

ancl 



5°5 

and all the goods, chattels, and property of every 
kind, which he had received, or should hereafter re- 
ceive, on her account, with every right, interest, and 
property, he had in, and to the said Margaret, from 
henceforth and for ever. — This lady, though the time 
of her appearance on this mortal stage was full five 
hundred years ago, when that species of gallantry 
was not so much in fashion as now, would have made 
no contemptible figure in the present day ; for by 
her future conduct, she showed that Mr. Camois' sus- 
picion of her criminality was not ill founded. She 
cohabited with sir William, and was afterwards mar- 
ried to him. — Mr. Camois lived several years after 
this transaction, and died about the year 1300, leav- 
ing the lady his survivor ; who thereupon claimed her 
dowery, or the third part of the estate Mr. Camois 
died possessed of. From the courts of law, where 
her claim was not admitted, she and sir William, 
moved her cause to a parliament which was holden 
at Westminster, a. d. 1302. In this supreme court, 
the opposite council pleading a statute, then exist- 
ing, which militated against her claim ; it was de- 
creed and enacted that if a wife forsake her husband, 
And live in adultery with another man, she shall for 

ever 



,o6 



ever fofeit her dowery ; unless her husband without 
ecclesiastical coercion, be reconciled to her, and 
live "with her again. 

Doctor Andrew Borde, (the original merry - 
andrew) of facetious and eccentric memory, was 
born at Pevensey, in this county ; towards the end 
of the fifteenth century : educated at Winchester- 
college, and completed his education at New-cc liege, 
in Oxford; where, for several years, he applied 
very closely and successfully to the study of physic. 
Leaving Oxford, he is said to have travelled into 
every kingdom in Europe; and to have visited 
several places in Africa. At Montpelier in France 
he took his degree of doctor of physic : and return- 
ing to England, was admitted at Oxford to the same 
honour, in 1521. From Oxford he removed to 
Pevensey, where he followed his profession some 
years; and afterwards went to Winchester, in which 
place it is probable, he resided a considerable time. 
Here he published his book, called Cf The Principles 
of Astronomical Prognostications:" from which it 
would appear, that he believed injudicial astrology. 
He w ? as a man of considerable learning for the time 
in which he lived ; and, making allowance likewise 

for 



507 

for the particular turn of his mind. His writings 
abound with witticisms, which are said to have per- 
vaded his speech. It appeal's that that quaint man- 
ner of expression was natural to him. He frequented 
fairs, markets, and other places of public resort : 
where he used to harrangue the people, in order to 
increase his practice. He trod an unbeaten path, 
which was natural to him. He had many followers, 
or imitators, from whence it came that they who 
affected the same jocose language and gestures, were 
called " Merry Andrews," though seldom possessed 
of the same native humour. He professed himself 
a Carthusian ; lived in celibacy, drank w r ater three 
days in the week, wore a shirt made of hair, and 
every night hung his burial sheet at his bed's [eet. 
Though a person of a singular turn of mind, he must 
have been a man of learning, and strong natural 
powers ; for he was physician to Henry VIII. and a 

member of the college of physicians in London. 

He was the author of many other books, besides the 
one mentioned above. That called — The Merry 
Tales of the Wise Men of Gotham — The Miller of 
Abingdon, in imitation of Chaucer — The Prompluary 
of Medicine — The Doctrines of Health— of Urines — 

came 



*o8 



came from his pen ; as did also — The Introduction 
to Knowledge, a poem— « which doth teach a man 
" (according to what he says in the title-page J to 
cc speak part of all manner of languages, and to 
" know the usage and fashion of all manner of 
€C countries, and for to know the most part of all 
£€ manner of coins of money, which is current in 
€: every region." He died a prisoner in the Fleet, 
London, in April 1549. It is not probable that he 
was there for debt ; as he left property behind him 
to a considerable amount, in the county of Norfolk; 
w 7 hich he bequeathed, together with his house and 
furniture, &c. in Winchester, to a Richard Matthews, 
whom he appointed his heir ; without mentioning 
his kindred at all, if he had any. 

Sir William Culpeper, baronet, of Wadehurst- 
park, in the parish of Ardingly, in this county, was 
the son of sir Edward Culpeper, sheriff of Sussex 
and Surry, in the third year of the reign of James I. 
but famous chiefly for his great and successful ex- 
ertions in reducing the usury or interest of money, 
from an indeterminate rate to afixt standard. Before 
his time it had been customary for the Jews, Lombards 
and other monied men in the kingdom, to demand 

and 



5°9 

and receive the most exorbitant premium for the use 
and forbearance oi money — whereby it frequently 
happened that respectable families were reduced, In 
the course of a few years, from affluence to great 
distress. In his arduous and patriotic undertaking, 
sir William had to encounter the power and interest 
of the three descriptions of men just mentioned ; 
but at last his endeavours were crowned with the 
success that his patience and perseverance deserved 
a. d. 1621 — when an act was passed whereby it was 
enjoined and strictly commanded, that no person, 
after the 24th of June, 1625, should directly or in- 
directly take for the loan or use of any monies, 
wares, goods, <Scc. above the value of eight pounds, 
for the forbearance of one hundred pounds for one 
year; and that every person charging, taking, or 
accepting more than the said rate of eight pounds 
per hundred, for a year, shall forfeit the value of 
the money, &c. so lent. This act was to continue 
in force for seven years, reckoning from the year 
162j : and in the year .1628, the law was made per- 
petual. — Sir William wrote a treatise on this subject, 
which was reprinted in 166S, by his son, sir Thomas 
Culpeper, baronet, who was partly concerned about 

the 



5io 

the same time in effecting a farther legal reduction 
of the interest of money, to six per cent per annum. 
Doctor Thomas Comber, a man of consider- 
able celebrity in his time, was born about the end 
of the sixteenth century, at Shermanbury, in this 
county, the twelfth child of Richard Comber, Cla- 
rencieux king at arms. He laid the foundation of 
his knowledge in the learned languages, for which 
he was afterwards so eminent, at Horsham : from 
thence he went to Trinity-college, Cambridge, where 
he was recommended to the patronage of doctor 
Neville, by whose interest, and his own reputation, 
as an accomplished grammarian, he was elected 
master of that college. Being a person of great ap- 
plication, unwearied perseverance, and blessed with 
an excellent memory, he made himself master of 
the Greek and Latin languages in an eminent degree; 
and understood several of the Oriental. He travelled 
into Italy, Spain, and France ; where he was denomi- 
nated by the literati there " Vir clarissimus, Thomas 
Comber, Anglus." On his return from his travels, 
about the year 1623, he was appointed the king's 
chaplain, on the recommendation of arch-bishop 
Abbot; and soon after to the deanry of Carlisle; 

on 



5" 

on the promotion of doctor White to the bishoprick 
of that see : and in the year 1631, was chosen vice 
chancellor of Cambridge. On the breaking out of 
the civil war in England, he attached himself warmly 
to the royal cause, and endeavoured with all his 
might to prevail on the heads of the university to 
send their plate to his majesty, whose finances were 
then in a very low condition. As the doctor's en- 
deavours to aid his royal master were discovered, by 
some means, to the parliament, in return they de- 
termined to make him feel the weight of their re- 
venge. They not only stripped him of his all, con- 
sisting of his deanry, mastership, and the valuable 
rectory of Worplesdon, in Surry; but imprisoned 
him, a. d. 164-2. This hard reverse of fortune, and 
all the indignities and seventies which the Puritans, 
and afterwards the Independents, could heap upon 
him, he bore with becoming resignation and exem- 
plary fortitude, till death, on the 28th of Februarv, 
1653, delivered him from the malice and cruelty of 
his persecutors. 

Acceptus Fruin, a native of Sussex, was fellow 
of Magdalen-college, Oxford, and afterwards presi- 
dent thereof, raised by king Charles I. to the mitre 

ok 



512 

of Coventry and Lichfield, and by king Charles II. 
to the primacy of York, the 2 2d of September, 
1660. He died the 28th of March, 1661, and was 
buried in his own cathedral. (Vide Le Neve.) In 
treating of this county doctor Fuller says, " Many 
<{ shires have done worthily, but Sussex sumounteth 
" them all; having bred five arch-bishops of Canter- 
" bury, and at this instant (February 1661) claim- 
" ing for her natives the two metropolitans of our 
" nation, doctors Juxon and Fruin." 

Philip Nye, the famous Independent preacher, 
in the time of the civil war in England, was born of 
a respectable family in this county. Some years 
before the breaking out of the war, he is said to 
have been rector of saint Michael's/ in Corn-hill, 
London ; and after doctor Featley was sequestered 
for refusing to sign the solemn league and covenant, 
he obtained his rectory of Acton, in Middlesex. He 
was a voluminous writer ; many of his productions 
were published by his sons, John and Henry Nye, 
after his death. In 1642 or 1643, he published a 
treatise to prove the excellency of the solemn league 
and covenant. Being from principle, an Indepen- 
dent in religion, and a Republican in politics, the 

government 



5*3 

government of the nation under Cromwell, was not 
at all to his mind ; and on that account, and as age 
began to advance upon him, he became a more mo- 
derate man in the latter part of his life, and published 
a book to prove the lawfulness of hearing the minis- 
ters of the church of England. In what year this 
was written I do not find; but from the nature of the 
subject, we may conclude that it was after the Resto- 
ration. He died in the month of September, 1672, 
in the parish of saint Michael, in Corn-hill, and was 
buried in a vault in that church. 

John Pell was born at South wyke, near Bright- 
elmstone, in this county, in the year 1610. He made 
himself master of the Greek and Latin languages, at 
the grammar-school at Lewes, where he also studied 
the mathematics, in which he became a very great 
proficient at an early age. He completed his educa- 
tion at Trinity-college, Cambridge : when he was 
but eighteen years of age he wrote a description oi 
the" use of the quadrant : and in a year or two after, 
he piublishcd his " Modus supputandi Ephemerides 
Astronomicas ;" thereby evincing his profound know- 
ledge in the mathematics. Before he was twenty- 
seven years old, his fame, though less than his real 

l l merit, 



5M 

merit, was known in every part of Europe, where 
learning was respected. At the age of thirty-one he 
was chosen professor of the mathematics at Amster- 
dam, without solicitation ; an honourable testimony 
of his reputation. This appointment was the more 
agreeable to him as the flame of civil-war had then 
broken out in England ; and the voice of the Muses 
drowned in that of Mars. In 1645 or 1646, he re- 
moved from Amsterdam to Breda, on his being ap- 
pointed by the prince of Orange, professor of phi- 
losophy and mathematics, at his newly founded aca- 
demy there. While he resided at Breda he maintained 
an amicable controversy with the famous Longomon- 
tanus, <c concerning the true measure of the circle.' 3 
On the breaking out of the war with the Dutch, he 
returned to England ; and in a year or two after, 
that is a. d. 1654, was sent by the Protector, with 
the title of agent, to the Protestant cantons in Swit- 
zerland. In this capacity he is reported to have en- 
deavoured to promote the restoration of monarchy, 
and of the hierarchy, in England. This imputation, 
whether it was meant as a ground of praise or dis- 
praise, is probable; for after the Restoration he 
obtained orders in the church, and was preferred to 

two 



5*5 

two considerable livings in Essex, and the diocese of 
London. But Mr. Pell was no (Economist, in con- 
sequence of which he died in uneasy cir ices, 
in the seventy-fifth year of his age, a, t>. 1685. 

William Juxon, d. r, was born in Chichester, 
a. d. 1582, and educated at Merchant-Taylor's school 
in London; from whence he went to saint John's 
college, Oxford. Entering there upon t*2? study of 
the civil-law, he soon made himself master of the 
Justinian institutions : but aid not at the same time 
neglect the study of other learning, particularly that 
of divinity, to which he applied, at the desire of his 
patron, doctor, afterwards arch-bishop, Laud. When 
he had taken his degree of master of arts, he took 
orders in the church, and was presented, by his col- 
lege, to the valuable rectory ofSomerton, in Oxford- 
shire. When doctor Laud, in 1621, was promoted 
to the see of saint David, Mr. Juxon was chosen 
master of his college, and vice-chancellor of the 
university about six years afterwards. In 1632, he 
was sworn clerk of the closet to the king, by the 
interest of his patron ; and the year following elected 
bishop of Hereford; but before his consecration, 
removed to the see of London, void by the transla- 

u2 tion 



5i6- 

tlon of bishop Laud to the primate's chair. Hitherto 
his preferments were consistent with his learning 
and his merits; but his patron did not stop there. 
In 1658,, he (bishop Juxon) was appointed lord 
high treasurer of England : and though it is allowed 
that no one could find fault with his conduct, in that 
high office, yet the antient nobility were offended, 
because they thought the office belonged to them by 
prescription. — On the meeting of the Long-parlia- 
ment he resigned all his civil employments. When 
the king asked his advice, in the affair of lord Straf- 
ford, whether he might sign the act of attainder 
against him, the honest prelate admonished him not 
to do any thing against the dictates of his conscience. 
And when that monarch was brought to the scaffold 
in 1649, he attended him in his last moments. — The 
same year he was deprived of his bishoprick, and re- 
tired to a small estate he had purchased in Glouces- 
tershire; where he remained to the Restoration, when 
he was translated by the king's mandate, to thearchie- 
piscopal see of Canterbury; which he did not enjoy 
long, for he died under the excrutiating tortures of 
the stone, on the 4th day of June, 1663, in the 
eighty-first year of his age, and was buried hi saint 

John's 



5*7 

John's chapel, Oxford. — -He was a learned .man*, a 
pious divine, a faithful councellor, an enemy to all 
persecution,, and so inoffensive in his life, that he 
was, suffered to worship God according to the dic- 
tates of his own conscience — a courtesy then granted 
to very few. 

. John Selden, esquire, son of Thomas, and his 
mother Margaret, the daughter of Thomas Baker, of 
Russington, in Kent, was born at Salvington, in this 
county. Grotius, a good judge of learning, stiles 
him the glory of the English nation. He derived 
his school learning from the free-school at Chichester, 
and his university from Hart-hall in Oxford, from 
whence he removed to the Inner-temple ; where he 
gained so great a knowledge of the law, and antiqui- 
ties of all sorts, that he became the miracle of his 
time. It would take up a volume to give a just cha- 
racter of him; we shall only speak something pf 
him, as, first a lawyer— secondly a skilful antiquarian 
— and thirdly a voluminous writer. — —First, as a 
lawyer, he was very judicious and learned ; but that 
which rendered him most famous. and. popular in 
this respect was, the argument which he held .with 
attorney-general Noy, about the granting an habeas 
, . l l 3 corpus 



5*8 

corpus for those gentlemen who were imprisoned 
for refusing to pay the loan to king Charles I. Every- 
man looked upon him as pleading ihs common cause 
of the nation, and esteemed themselves as his clients, 
conceiving that the liberty of all the nation was con- 
cerned in that suit. From this time he had much 
business in his profession,, and though he seldom or 
never came to the bar, he gave chamber-council, 
and was much made use of in conveying estates : 
his knowledge of antiquities, especially in the en- 
dowments of monasteries, &c. enabling him to settle, 
clear, and rectify dubious titles : in this science he 
wrote several books, as his Mare Clausum, in answer 
to Hugo Grotius's Mare Liberum, asserting therein, 
againt Grotius, the king of England's authority over 
the British seas ; for which he was much applauded 
by the court — Observations upon FI eta's Tenures, 
Fortescue's Mcdus Tenendi Parliamentum, and De 
Lacidibus (the intricacies) Legun Anglic, History of 
Tythes, which comprehends much of the Heathen, 
Jewish, and Christian learning upon that subject; 
but so much distorted, that he was forced to recant 
it before the high commission court, and was con- 
vinced of his ill conduct by doctor Filslcy, a Civilian, 

doctor 



5*9 

doctor Montague, a divine, and Mr. Nettles, a great 
talmudist; so that he got no imputation by this work, 
though he was much admired for others. Notes on 
the si] as t t sir Ralph Hengham, Icrd chief ji::t:ce 
in king Henry the first's dzyz; of the rights and y ; : - 
vileges of the baronage of England, ami of the - 
of lord chancellor. He was the read 'r- St in 
kingdain in finding out records, and his argument of 
law were much set by. Secondly, as an antiqua- 
rian, he was of so strong a body, and so capacious 
a memory, partly natural and partly artificial, that 
he made himself master of most languages, by his 
industry, so far as to understand them by grammar 
and dictionary ; and this, after he had entered him- 
self into the Temple; but he was much more perfect 
in Hebrew and tne Oriental tongues, depending on 
that, Greek, Latin, and Saxon; by which he was 
capaciated to search into all the learning of the 
world, and did it so effectually, that if ever any man 
was, he was ignorant of nothing to be gained by 
reading : of this he gave a full demonstration in these 
writings— viz. DeDyssysis, Uxor Hebraica, De Syne- 
diiis, De Jure Naturali, and Centum juxta Discipli- 
ning Kacbra:orum ; De Successione in Bonadefuncti 
ll4 Secundum 



52o 

Secundum Legem Hebrseor: De Successione in 
Pontificatum Hasbneorum ; Marmora Arundejiana; 
Spicilegium in Eadmeri, six libros ; Eutychius's Ori- 
ginal of the church of Alexandria, &c. Thirdly , 

as a writer, though we have given a large catalogue 
of his works under the former heads, yet there re- 
main so many that may properly be put under this 
head, and yet of a different nature from the former, 
that he may seem to have done nothing but write, 
as well as to have read so much as to have given him-, 
self no time to write: of this sort are his books of 
the Original of Duels ; Jam. Anglorum fades altera ; 
Notes and Illustrations upon Michael Draytqn/s 
Poliolbion ; Titles of Honour; Analecta Anglo- 
Britannica; Tractatus Gallicus, i. e. De Agendi ex- 
cipiendique formulis ; the preface to the Ten English 
Historians ; God made Man; a Treatise intended to 
prove the Nativity of our Saviour to have been on 
December the 25th, as we keep it ; a posthumous 
work, De Nummis, and Biblia Nummaria, both dedi- 
cated to sir Simonds D'Ewes ; and many others.— — 
He died on saint Andrew's day, 1654, aged severity 
years, and was magnificently buried in the Temple- 
church, December the Hth following. r Arch-bjshop 

Usher 



521 



Usher preached his funeral sermon, and because he 
said not much of his principles of religion, sortie 
thought he deserved no commendation in that re- 
spect : but as Mr. Johnson, then master of the Tem- 
ple, said at his interment, if learning would have 
perpetuated any man's life, he could not have died : 
so sir Matthew Hale, one of his executors, and after- 
wards lord chief justice, often professed, that Mr. 
Selden was a resolved, serious Christian, and that he 
was such a fierce adversary to Mr. Hobbs's, errors, 
that he always opposed him so earnestly, as either 
to .make Mr. Hobbs fly, or to avoid his company 
with detestation. He died exceeding wealthy, not 
only in money and land, but in antient and modern 
medals and coins of the Roman emperors and English 
kings. His large, rare, and costly library was be- 
stowed on one of the inns of court, upon condition 
that they should provide a suitable case for so costly 
a jewel, i. e. build a fair and firm fabrick for it; but 
being neglected, it Was given to the Bodleian library 
at Oxford, where it hath an apartment alloted to it. 
Thomas Otway, the poet, was the son of a 
clergyman in. this neighbourhood, and born at Trot- 
ton, near Midhurst,. the 3d of March, 1641. He 
i entered 



•522 

entered very young in Winchester-school, and finish- 
ed his studies in Christ's college, Oxford. At the 
death of his father he hfi the university, went to 
London, and commenced actor, c:^: for want cf ad- 
dress did not succeed on the stage. Being esteemed 
a great wit, and facetious companion, his company 
was agreeable to several persons cf rank; by whose 
interest he procured a cornet's commission in a regi- 
ment then (1670) in Flanders. But the delicacy of 
his constitution not permitting him to remain long 
in the army, he returned to London, and commenced 
writer for the stage. His plays were received with 
the greatest applause, as they are to this day. But 
ceconomy was none of poor Ot way's qualifications. 
After suffering a great deal of distress from the tin- 
toward state cf his finances, he went one evening to 
a public-house, near Tower-hill, and seeing a gentle- 
man there Whom he had formerly known, and being 
greatly pinched By cold and hunger, he asked him 
for a shilling: the geniicrzzn, commiserating his 
condition, gen erously gave him a guinea; which the 
other got immediately charged, in order to purchase 
some refreshment ; but had no sooner tasted the first 
mouthful, than, the wind rising in his stomach, it 

choalied 



5 2 3 

choaked him; and he was found dead the next morn- 
ing, a.d. 1673, in the thirty-third year of his age* 

William Gughtred, b. d. the incomparable ma- 
thematician, was born a. d. 1574, a f , in this 

county. Kis learning was not confined to the ma- 
thematics — eminent in other parts of literature, in 
that he far excelled his cdtemporafies ; \ 
established on new principles, and better i2^y. 
former. Eis repr.taticr. in which was so greatj that 
he received pressing invitations from tht 
great men in Italy, France, and Holland, to gz> ar»d 
reside there — which he declined, and preferred stay- 
ing at home, and living on a very moderate income, 
arising from a fellowship of Eton-cciiege, and a 

vicarage 

* It is no dishonour to the memory of Otway, to mention, 
that he received from Nell Gwynne, 

one of king Charles the II.'s ::::. sses: So did Lee, and some 
other emi lent writers of that days Of ;.ll the king's mistresses, 
this woman was the person of the lowest parentage and education, 
but of the best morals— had many good qualities to compensate, 
in some degree, for her frailty ; and even in that respect, was not 
so reprobate as the ethers. After she was taken into the king's 
keeping, she kept herself faithfully for kim alone— a species of 
fidelity which none of the other, are said to have possessed — some 
•f them were but little above the degree of common ; but the 
king's vanity saved them from suspicion, (See London Evening 
Post, Dec, 27, 179U) 



524 

vicarage in Surry, given to him by the earl of 
Arundel. Of both which he was stripped in the time 
of the distractions — and reduced to. considerable dis- 
tress. He lived to the Restoration, which it is said 
he foretold, and of which he drew a scheme shewing 
it would be in 1660, and sent it to the king by the 
bishop of Avignon. (Vide Mag. Brit. p. 563.) He 
died the same year, in the 86th year of his age. 

John Gregory, a.m. was prebendary of this 
church, and excelled in all manner of learning ; but 
was ennobled still more by the virtues which adorned 
his life. " Besides his immense learning in almost 
" all languages and arts, there was no commendable 
"quality becoming a man, that was not eminent in 
" him ; a good nature, profusely communicative of 
" his wonderful attainments, a downright, plain, and 
" honest temper, a serious and easy frame of mind, 
" which procured him the respect of the most worthy 
" part of mankind. He died in great distress, and 
" of a broken heart, in March 1646, in the 39th 
" year of his age. Pity it was that so great a. light 
" was so soon extinguished, and thereby prevented 
" from benefiting the world." (Vide Mag. Brit, 
p. 564.) 

Doctor 



525 

Doctor Joseph HensBaw was a native of this 
county, and educated at Merchant-Taylor's school, 
in London ; from whence he went to Magdalen-hall, 
Oxford, where he took up his degree, and taking 
orders, was appointed chaplain to the earl of Bristol. 
In 1634, he was preferred to the living of Stedham 
cum Heyshot, in this diocese, being at the same time 
preacher at the Charter-house, and vicar of Little 
St. Bartholomew's, London. In 1637, he vacated 
Stedham, for the rectory of East-Lavant, near Chi- 
chester, which he enjoyed, together with a prebend 
in this cathedral, till the year 1643 ; four years be- 
fore which he took his degree of doctor of divinity; 
but in the year last mentioned he was not only 
stripped of all his preferments in the church, but 
obliged to compound for his temporal property, by 
paying a fine of 177/. and subjected to many indig- 
nities and hardships in the manner in which these 
punishments were inflicted. He had the good for- 
tune to live to see better days : after the Restoration 
his sufferings were not forgotten by his former friends; 
the venerable doctor King, bishop of this diocese, 
among the first of his official acts, after his return to 
Chichester, made him chanter of the church; and in 
u - the 



526 

saute year, on the 29th of November, 1660, he 
was Installed dean. In the month of May 166S, he 
obtained the mitre of Peterborough, which he en- 
joyed almost fifteen years, to the clay of his death. 
He died suddenly on the 9th of March, 1678, rnd 
was buried at East-Lavant, by his wife Jane, and a son. 
William Collins, the celebrated lyric poet, was 
born in Chichester, on Christmas-day 1720, in the 
house now in the occupation of Mr. Seagrave, printer, 
and bookseller. His father was a reputable trades- 
man in the city, and served the office of mayor in 
1721. In 1733, he was admitted scholar of Win- 
chester-college, where he continued seven years, 
under the care of doctor Burton. In 1740, he en- 
tered commoner of Queen's college, Oxford ; and 
the year following was admitted a demy in Magdalen's, 
where he continued till he had taken a bachelor's 
degree. He was distinguished at Oxford for genius 
and indolence — the last a very unpromising quality 
for the acquisition of knowledge. At Magdalen's he 
wrote the ode to sir Thomas Kanmer, and the four 
oriental eclogues. In 1743 or 1744 he quitted the 
college: and at the desire of his mother's brother, 
lieutenant-colonel Martin, of Guy's regiment of foot, 

went 



5*7 

to Flanders, where the colonel then was; who would 
have provided for him in the an him 

too indolent, even for : % c army; and besides, his 

. and be " Client of 

his intellect. Returning '" refore to England, he 
id, hy the colonel's desire, to Mr. Green, who 
i a title to the curacy of Birdham, of which 
Mr. Green was rector* and letters of recommendation 
to th tor Mawson) then in London. 

With these, and the necessary credentials, he went 
to JUindoB ; but did not go to the bishop's, being 
dissuaded from the clerical office by Mr. Hardham, 
the tc sntioned before.) Soon after he 

author ; but his success was equal neither 
to his e >ns ncr his merit. This brought on 

him pecuniary embarrassments; from which he 
[ er learning nor genius to have extri- 

cated he wanted (what was of equal 

importance) resolution and application. He pro- 
jected many things in history, criticism, and in the 
; t : executed none. In this state of 
irresolution, and consequent distress, he continued 
till the year 1748, when his uncle, colonel Martin, 
died, and left his estate, amounting to nearly seven 

thousand 



528 

♦ 

thousand pounds, to him and his two sisters, Mrs. 
Tanner and Mrs. Sempill. — The possession of an in- 
dependent competency, it might have been hoped 
would have rendered him happy, and removed every 
trace of his former misery. The event was otherwise. 
His mind had been so long harrassed with anxiety, 
his distress had made so deep an impression on him, 
that he fell into a nervous disorder, followed by a 
great depression of spirits, which reduced him to the 
most deplorable weakness. — In which condition he 
died at his sister Mrs. SempilPs house in Chichester, 
the 12th of June, 1759, in the thirty-ninth year of 
his age ; and was buried in saint Andrew's church, 
in the East-street. — He wrote four Oriental Eclogues; 
eight Odes, descriptive and allegorical ; the Passions, 
an ode for music ; an Ode on the death of Mr. 

Thomson, and several other pieces. Some time 

ago a subscription was opened in the city, and sup- 
ported by the reverend Mr. Walker, of this choir, 
for erecting an handsome monument to his memory. 
It was executed by the ingenious Flaxman ; and is 
erected in the north-aisle of the cathedral* 

William 

* The poet is represented as just recovered from a fit of 
phrensy, to which he was unhappily subject, and in a calm and 

reclining 



5*9 

William Hayley, esquire, the poet, is the son 
of Thomas Hayley, esquire, (the only son of Thomas 
Hayley, dean of Chichester) and Mary, daughter of 
colonel Yates, representative of this city from the 

m m year 

reclining posture, seeking refuge from his misfortunes in the con- 
solations of the gospel, while his lyre, and one of his first poems, 
lie neglected on the ground. Above are two beautiful figures of 
love and pity entwined in each other's arms. The workmanship 
is most exquisite ; and if any thing can equal the expressive sweet- 
ness of the sculpture, it is the following most excellent epitaph, 
written by William Hayley and John Sargent, esquires. 

Ye, who the merits of the dead revere, 
Who hold misfortune sacred, genius dear, 
Regard this tomb, where Collins' hapless name 
Solicits kindness with a double claim. 
Tho' nature gave him, and tho' science taught, 
The lire of fancy, and the reach of thought, 
Severely doom'd to penury's extreme, 
He past in mad'ningpain life's feverish dream ; 
While rays of genius only serv'd to show 
The thick'ning horror, and exalt his woe. 
Ye walls, that ccho'd to his frantic moan, 
Guard the due record of this grateful stone; 
Strangers to him, enamour'd of his lays, 
This loud memorial to his talents raise ; 
For this the ashes of a bard require 
W T ho touch'd the temlcrest notes of pity's lyre ; 
Who join'd pure faith to strong poetic powers. 
W T ho, in reviving reason's lucid hours, 
Sought on one book his troubled mind to rest, 
And rightly deem'd the Book of God the best 1 



530 

year 1734 to 1741. He Was born in Chichester in 
the year 1745. Losing his father while he was very 
young, the care of his education devolved on his 
mother; a duty which she discharged with equal 
tenderness and prudence. At an age hardly credible 
he discovered a great propensity for poetry : as if 
the tuneful nine had kept their vigils around his cra- 
dle ; his ideas were full of the spirit they breathe, 
which the weak habit of his body could not suppress 
nor restrain. At an early age he was sent to school in 
or near Kingston-upon-Thames ; from which he was 
soon removed on account of illness ; and put under 
the instruction of a private tutor, who prepared him 
for Eton ; from which he went to the university of 
Cambridge, and entered himself at Trinity-hall there, 
a. d. 1762 : about which time the first of his literary 
publications, " An Ode on the Birth of the Prince 
of Wales/' made its appearance in the Cambridge 
Collection. On quitting the university in 1766, he 
went to Edinburgh, on a visit to some of his ac- 
quaintances, students of physic there. In 1769 he 
married the daughter of the reverend Mr. Ball, dean 
of Chichester;* and after passing a few years in 

London, 
* This lady died a few } T ears ago. 



53i 



London, and its vicinity, returned to his native? 
county ; and settled at Eartham — a situation remark- 
ably healthy and rural, which he improved and em- 
bellished, and where he resided till lately that he 
removed to Felpham, adjoining to Bognor. — With 
this gentleman's injunction to say nothing in com- 
mendation of his productions, I readily comply, as 
the public approbation has raised his fame to an 
elevation to which I can only look up — and to an 
extent far beyond the reach of my feeble voice : but 
in justice to my readers, I must mention some of 
his works, which I have read and admired. His 
Epistles to Romney were published in 1778 — Epistle 
on the death of Mr. Thornton, Ode to Howard, and 
Epistle to Gibbon in 1780 — the Triumphs of Temper 
in 1781 — and the Essay on Epic Poetry in 1782* 
Soon after which he published a volume of Plays, 
three comedies and two tragedies, each in three. acts. 
These I have not seen. One of the reviewers informs 
his readers, that " the comedies are in rhyme, but 
iC so familiar, so easy, and so flowing, that prose 
ff itself can scarcely appear more natural, more con- 
" venient for the purpose of dialogue, and the busi- 
" ness of the stage. Like the antient Iambic, recom- 
m m 2 " mended 



532 

ec mended by Aristotle, and characterised by Horace, 
" as the measure peculiarly suited to the scene." — 
He likewise favoured the public with art Elegy on 
that "all-accomplished" man sir William Jones; 
and the Life of our immortal bard Milton ; in which, 
much to his honour, he has defended his character 
from the harsh and illiberal strictures of his former 
biographer. — In the year 1802, he published the 
Life of Mr. Cowper, the divine author of The Task, 
&c. — It is exceedingly creditable to Mr. Hayley that 
he has never prostituted his muse to wealth and 
power; but, great in conscious dignity, reserved his 
praise and protection for virtue and talents. — There 
are some other works which the public has ascribed 
to this gentleman — An Essay on Old Maids — An 
Elegy on the Greek Model, &c. — besides several 
fugitive pieces ; written, most of them, at the call 
of humanity. 

The three Smiths, William, George, and John, 
brothers and painters, were natives of this city* Of 

whom 

* They were not born in Chichester, but at — , near Guild- 
ford, in Surry, and removed from thence so very young to this 
city, where they resided the rest of their lives, that they may with- 
out impropriety be called natives. 



533 

whom it is no more than justice to say, that their 
lives were as faultless as their paintings, which will 
secure their reputation as long as virtue, genius, and 
taste, are esteemed among mankind. John died the 
29th of July, 1764, in the forty-ninth year of his 
age; William the 27th of September, in the same 
year, aged fifty-eight years ; and George the 7th of 
September, 1776, in the sixty-third year of his age. 
Daniel Holroyd, esquire, was the third son of 
Isaac Holroyd, esquire, brother to lord Sheffield, of 
Sheffield-place, in this county. This gentleman en- 
tered into the army at a very early age ; in which 
he distinguished himself, in an eminent degree; not 
less by his prudent conduct than by his courage and 
intrepidity, in the war which broke out in 1756. — 
To enumerate the many actions in which his courage 
was displayed, would take up more room than our 
purposed brevity will admit : and the instances of 
his humanity not less. Let it suffice then to men- 
tion a few of the most prominent of the former. In 
1761, he was at the taking of Belleisle, where he 
acquired great reputation. Very soon after this he 
was in the expedition against Martinique, where he 
had the command of a company of grenadiers. On 

m m 3 the 



534 

the 24th of January, 1762, the attack of the heights 
of Gamier, which command saint Pierre, was resolv- 
ed upon, and captain Holroyd employed in the dan- 
gerous undertaking. Though the heights were 
thought to be impregnable ; yet by the judicious ar- 
rangements previous to the attack ; and the cool, de- 
terminate, and resolute manner in which the assault 
was made ; they were carried ; at the expence of 
fewer lives than it was thought possible to effect it. 
For this gallant exploit, which secured the success of 
the expedition, the officers and men received the 
public thanks of the general in chief. From Marti- 
nieo the regiment went to the siege of the Havannah; 
where more fatal dangers, and equal laurels, awaited 
him. Fie was one of three officers, and about forty 
or fifty privates, who repulsed a body of nearly five 
hundred Spaniards, by whom they were attacked ; 
and were thanked in the orders of the day, by lord 
Albermarle, for their heroism. Through the length 
of the siege, and the extreme unhealthiness of the 
climate, the English army was greatly reduced ; and 
its' situation became very dangerous. It was there- 
fore resolved, as their last resource, to storm the 
Moro fort. Though the health of tins gallant officer 

was 



535 

was much impaired, yet he offered his service on this 
forlorn hope. A breach had been made in the Mora, 
but which would admit only one man a breast ; and 
to come at this breach they had to pass a narrow 
ridge of rocks, with the sea on one side, and a ditch 
ten or twelve fathoms deep on the other ; the pas- 
sage was guarded on the traverse by a cannon of 
large caliber, loaded with grape shot, which kept 
discharging upon them, and did considerable execu- 
tion ; notwithstanding which the party, that is the 
survivors of them, forced their way into the fort, 
where the governor, Bon Lewis Velasco was mortally 
wounded, in the first onset; and the deputy-governor, 
Don Gonsales, killed ; after which the garrison, con- 
founded at the boldness of the attack, gave way; 
and the Havannah, which depended on the Moro- 
fort, in consequence surrendered. — During the at- 
tack, this gallant young officer was shot dead on the 
spot, justly regretted by the whole army, and was 
buried on the glacis of the fort. 

Mrs. Charlotte Smith, the poetess and novel- 
writer, in both of which walks she has acquired 
great celebrity, reflects no small honour on this her 
native county. Her maiden name was Turner, the 
m m 4 daughter 



53^ 

daughter of Turner, esquire, of Bignor-park. 

Of the many novels which she has written, I can 
only say that they have the character of being moral, 
pathetic, and entertaining: and her sonnets have 
deservedly met the approbation of the public, as 
the effusions of a cultivated mind, expressed in a 
chaste, poetical, and plaintive style. — The following, 
not picked as the best, but taken by chance, I doubt 
not will please the poetical reader. 

SONNET 

Written in the Church-Yard at Middleton, Sussex. 
(by MRS. c. smith) 

Pressed by the moon, mute arbi tress of tides, 
While the loud equinox its povv'r combines, 
The sea no more its swelling surge confines, 

But o'er the shrinking land sublimely rides ! 

The wild blast, rising from the western cave, 

Drives the huge billows from their heaving bed ; 
Tears from their grassy tombs the village dead ; 

And breaks the silent sabbath of the grave !* 

With shells and sea-weed mingled, on the shore, 
Lo! their bones whiten in the frequent wave ; 
But vain to them the winds and waters rave ; 

They hear the warring elements no more: 

While I am doom'd, by life's long storm oppress'd, 

To gaze with envy on their gloomy rest ! 

Daniel 

• The church-yard is washed by the sea at high water, 



537 

Daniel Foot, the son of a respectable trades- 
man in Chichester, was born there about the year 
1754. From the care of his father he received a 
grammar-school education, which was all that his 
circumstances would allow, consistent with the duty 
he owed to his other children. But whot fortune 
denied, his own emulation and thirst after learning, 
in some measure supplied. At the age of seventeen 
or eighteen, he had made as great a proficiency in 
science, by the strength of his genius, and unwearied 
application, as many who enjoy superior advantages. 
Before he had completed the twenty-first year of his 
age, at the earnest solicitation of his friends (" who 
admired his genius and revered his virtues,") he 
consented to publish a collection of cc Poems on 
various occasions ; three Letters on moral subjects," 
&c. These made their appearance in 1777, and 
were well received among his acquaintance; chiefly 

on account of his excellent moral character. A 

very few days before his death he walked into the 
country, in the company of some of his friends; 
and happening to light on a spot abounding with 
ripe hedge-picks, a wild fruit he was fond of, he 
unfortunately ate more of them than his stomach 

could 



538 

could digest ; a stoppage was formed in the intes- 
tines, and a mortification ensued; which put a 
period to his life, in the twenty-third year of his 
age, the 26th of October, 1777. 

I am concerned to inform the reader that I am 
not perfectly at liberty to gratify his curiosity with 
an account of the distinguished author of ( The Mine', 
without violating the respect due to modesty and 
merit. If it were not for this restriction much 
might be said in praise of him as an elegant poet, 
an able and upright magistrate, and above all — a 
truly respectable character both in public and prn 
vate life. 



CHAPTER 



539 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF SOME OF THE TOWNS, VILLAGES, &C. 
IN THE VICINITY OF THE CITY. 



ON the Broile, near the city, are the vestiges of a 
camp, about three miles in length, and one mile in 
breadth. It is surrounded by a strong rampire in- 
ward, and a single graff outward. Considering the 
nature of the soil, a very hard gravel, the making of 
this camp must have been a work of much labour. 
I mentioned before that Vespasian resided some con- 
siderable time among the Belgian Britons, in the 
reign of Claudius Augustus — it is therefore the gene- 
ral opinion that this camp was raised by him, for the 
security of the city and the forces under him; as 

the country was then in an unsettled condition. 

The inner line begins at the north-east corner of the 
city-walls, opposite to the mount in the Friary, 
mentioned before ; goes (over the place now called 
Dell-hole) in a straight line to the farther part of 

the 



54° 

the New Broyle ; where., in an angle of about one 
hundred degrees, it turns westward, crosses the Lon- 
don-road, in the same direction ; passes by the New 
Broyle-coppice ; skirts the Old Broyle coppice; 
crosses the Old Broyle, and part of Saltbox common; 
passes Densworth-house, a little beyond which it is 

terminated by the returning outer line. The outer 

line strikes ofX or separates from the inner line at 
the Watery-line, above the Pest-house ; gees east- 
ward a little way; turns to the north; crossing Mr. 
Miller's fields, and the road from the New Broyle to 
Gray ling- Well house ; goes on in a pretty straight 
line to Summer's dale, where it forms a small curve; 
then goes along Rawmere-lane, over the spot where 
Rawmere-house now stands ; skirts the small coppice 
there ; at the north-east corner of which it crosses 
the London-road about a mile from the inner line ; 
and passing over the paddock belonging to Miss 
Poole, crosses the Lavant road a little way south of 
her house — over the fields to lord Bathurst's park, 
which it passes, not far from the house; over Stoke 
common ; goes on westward ; almost skirts Little- 
Tomlin's, on the south of it ; beyond which it turns 
a little way northward ; then goes on westward as 

far 



54i 

far as Ashling-wood; about which place was the 
boundary of its westward direction; turns southward, 
and joining the inner line to the west of Densworth 
house, in the same (southward) direction passes 
through the lands belonging to Mr. Elagden of Chi- 
chester, goes on through part of Clay-lane common; 
and (somewhere) in the now cultivated fields formed 
an angle or turning ; goes on eastward, in the direc- 
tion of the Roman-bank,* (part of the line) till it 
terminates at the north-west corner of the city wall ; 
after being carried on through a space of nine or 
ten miles, and encompassing an area of seven or 

eight square miles. This sketch, though not com- 

pleat and full, is the most correct that I could trace 
of this famous Roman camp. — It is proper to observe 
that within the inner line, i. e. between it and the 
city, we discover lines joining to it, and running 
south and north a considerable way ; and in some 
places the broken traces of others, in an east and 
west direction, at a moderate distance from the said 
inner line. From which it would appear, that they 
(the Romans) had inner camps formed, as places of 

refuge 

* A bank and deep ditch so called — in the meadows, a little 
way north-west of INlr. Newman's nursery. 



542 

refuge to retreat to, in case they should be driven 
from the great camp outwards. If this was the case, 
these masters of the world did not, at that time, 
look upon the conquest of this island to be com- 
pleat ; but judged it necessary to guard against a 
reverse of fortune, and the danger that might arise 
from the exertions of a warlike people, who were 
but half subdued.' That such lines did exist is evident 
from inspection, but by whom they were made does 
not clearly appear. 

Besides this camp, the vestiges of several others 
are discoverable in various parts of the county. That 
on the top of saint Roche's hill, was mentioned be- 
fore. At Cisbury there was one — by some this is 
said to have been a Roman military fortification ; 
the inhabitants have a tradition, that Julius Caesar 
raised an entrenchment there ; but this must be a 
mistake ; as Cassar never was in these parts. The 
name of the place clearly shows that it was made by 
Cissa ; no doubt as a place of security and defence 
against the Britons; who, it would appear from 
hence, where not wholly extirpated, nor entirely 
subdued by his father Ella. At each of the follow- 
ing places are the marks of encampments or fortifi- 
cations. 



543 

cations, at Gdnshill, Highdown, Chenkbury, Poor- 
man's wall, Woolsenbury, Ditchling, Hollingburv, 
near Telscombe, Cab urn, Castle at Newhaven, Castle 
near Seaford, and at Bellfont. 

About two miles and a half north of Chichester, 
on the London-road, is the pleasant village of Lavant, 
near which was the seat of the family of Miller, 
baronets. It now belongs to the duke of Richmond.* 
Adjoining to Lavant is saint Roche's hill, commonly- 
called Rook's hill ; on the top of which are the re- 
mains of a small camp, in a circular form, supposed 
to have been raised by the Danes, when they invaded 
and plundered this country. 

Eleven miles north of Chichester, on the Lon- 
don road, is Midhurst, (the Midas of the Romans) 
so called from its being surrounded with woods. A 
populous, well-built town, and very pleasantly situ- 
ated. The air of Midhurst is reckoned salubrious in 

an 

# As does also Rawmere ; of which mention has been made 
before. Lately it belonged to the family of May, who resided 

there. Lady May gave it to Mr. , a relation, on condition 

of his taking lie name of May — who afterwards succeeded to 
another est;. te on a similar conditi . of assi ing the name cf 
Kiiiglit.— This gentlemen sold it to the duke of Richmond, the pre- 
sent proprietor, about the year 1784, or 17S5. 



544 

an eminent degree, for which reason it is resorted 
to by persons afflicted with pulmonary complaints. 
From Doomsday-book it. appears to have been a 
considerable place at the time of the Norman con- 
quest; and therefore a borough by prescription. 
In the fourth year of Edward II. it was summoned 
to send two members to parliament— a privilege it 
has enjoyed ever since. The greatest part of the 
town is held by burgage tenure ; the number of free- 
men is but few; there are some stones in the place, 
which are numbered, (1,2, 3, &c.) which give a 
right to the holders of them to vote at elections. — 
Some persons there are who lament this circumstance, 
that the elective franchise should belong to inanimate 
stones — but these misplace their concern for the 
public, which is less injured by that mode than when 

the business is done by an echo. The government 

of Midhurst is vested in a bailiff, chosen annually 
at the court-leet of the manor. The weekly market 
(on Thursday) is well, supplied with provisions, 
which are sold, for the most part, at resonable rates. 
Cowdry-house, the seat of the antient family of lord 
viscount Montague, (now unfortunately extinct) 
was most delightfully situated in the middle of a 

park, 



545 



park, adjoining the town. I have informed the 
reader that this noble mansion, this venerable edifice, 
was destroyed by accidental lire, on the 25th of 
September, 1793, and that nearly about the same 
time lord Montague was himself unhappily drowned 
in one of the falls of the Rhine in Switszerland; an 
accident lamented by all to whom he was known, 
and severely felt by all the inhabitants of Midhurst, 
particularly the poor. The situation of Cowdry- 
house was naturally romantic, and the noble pro- 
prietors had improved the scene as far as art and 
genius could go. It was built in the Gothic style, 
perhaps too much ornamented. The wars of Henry 
the eighth, were painted in different parts of the 
house, by Hans Holbein, and several of the ancestors 
of the family were done by the same ingenious artist. 
The town of Petworth is sixmiles east of Mid- 
hurst; a populous town, very pleasantly situated, 
many of the houses well built, but the streets irregu- 
lar. It is not remarkable for any thing that I know 
of except that majestic edifice, the mansion of the 
earl of iigrcmont, built by Charles duke of Somerset, 
towards the end of the seventeenth century. In the 
armory arc several pieces of antiquity, particularly 

n n the 



5*6 

the sword which Henry Hotspur used at the battle 
of Shrewsbury, 1423, in endeavouring to dethrone 
Henry IV. but lost both the battle and his life, by 
his too great impetuosity. From the family of Percy, 
this noble palace, and a considerable estate, came to 
the duke of Somerset, in whose possession it re- 
mained till lately, when it came to the family of 
Wyndham, earl of Egremont, the present proprietor.* 
About eight miles east of Chichester is Eartham, 
lately the pleasant and romantic mansion of William 
Hayley, esquire. And not far from thence is Slin- 
don, and Slindon-house > the seat of the earl of 
Newburgh, the lineal descendent of the earl of 
Dervent water. 

Ten miles east of Chichester is the town of 
Arundel. The first mention of which that we meet 
with in history, is in the time of king Alfred, who 

gave 

* In the year l682, Charles duke of Somerset married 
Jady Elizabeth Percy, sole daughter and heiress of Joscelyne 
Percy, the last earl of Northumberland, of that particular branch; 
and on theSlst of July, 1708, sir William Wyndham, of Orchard- 
Wyndham, in the county of Somerset, baronet, married lady 
Catharine Seymour, daughter of the said -Charles, and so be- 
came possessed of that magnificent mansion— whose son George 
Wyndham, was on the 18th of October, 1749? created earl of 
Esvemont. 



547 



gave it by his will to Anthelm, his brother's son ; in 
which will the castle is also mentioned: from which 
it is reasonable to infer, that it was built during that 
reign, or a little before, At the Norman conquest 
it was given to Roger de Montgomery, earl of Chi- 
chester and Arundel. Henry I. gave it to his second 
queen Adeliza, as mentioned before. The present 
duke of Norfolk has lately repaired it at a very con- 
siderable expence. In the reign of Henry VI. a 

dispute arose between John Fitz-Allen, and John 
Mowbray, duke of Norfolk, concerning the right of 
inheritance in this castle and manor; and being 
carried into parliament, a definitive judgment was 
given in favour of the former ; and an act was pass- 
ed, by which Arundel is made a feodal title ; so that 
whoever is in possession of the castle must be stiled 
earl, and has a right to the rank and honour thereof 
without creation, as may be seen in the parliament- 
rolls, twenty-seventh of Henry VI. The church 

of Arundel, formerly collegiate, is a very noble, 
Gothic structure : there are in it several monuments 
of the Arundel family, but none of the stalls of the 

prebendaries now remain.- Arundel is a borough 

by prescription, and sends two members to pariia- 

n n 2 menr, 



548 

ment, chosen by the inhabitants at large. In the 
reign of queen Elizabeth it received a charter of in- 
corporation, by which it is governed by a mayor, 
steward, and burgesses ; the former of which is also 
a justice of the peace, in the borough. It has two 
weekly markets, one on Thursday and another on 
Saturday, and four annual fairs. 

About four miles from Chichester, on the 
north-east, is Goodwood, the seat of the duke of 
Richmond. It is very agreeably situated in a spaci- 
ous park, and commands an extensive and delightful 
prospect. Goodwood formerly belonged to the noble 
and very respectable family of Percy, as mentioned 
before, of whom it was purchased by the grand- 
father of the present duke. 

At a small distance from Goodwood, is Hal- 
naker-house, the mansion of the late countess of 
Derby, who was daughter and sole heiress of sir 
William Morley, to which family this mansion and 
estate formerly belonged. They are now both the 
property of the duke of Richmond, The house is 
going to decay. — Near to Halnaker is the village of 
Boxgrove, where a monastery, dedicated to the virgin 
Mary, was founded by Robert de Haye, in the reign 

of 



549 

of Henry I. for monks of the Benedictine order : but 
being an alien priory, it was dissolved in the reign 
of Henry V. a. d. 1415. The tithes of the parish 
(part of the endowment of the priory) first belonged 
to the Delaware family, then to the family of Arun- 
del, afterwards the antient family of Lumley enjoyed 
them ; from whom they came to the Morley family, 
and were given for ever for the endowment of the 
poor vicarage by the late pious and worthy countess 
of Derby. Part of the priory is now converted into 
the parish church. 

Something more than four miles south of Chi- 
chester is the church of Sidlesham, in the tower of 
which, a stately edifice, is a ring of three bells. And 
not far from hence is Sidlesham-mill, (a tide-mill) 
which for symmetry of parts and justness of principle, 
is inferior to none in the kingdom. It has three 
water-wheels, eight pair of stones, a fan for cleans- 
ing corn, and will grind a load of corn in an hour. 
Adjoining close to the mill is a strong, convenient 
quay, for loading and unloading of vessels. The 
whole was erected by the late Mr. Woodroffe Drink- 
water, a. d. 1755, " under the direction of Benjamin 
JBarlow,who invented and constructed the machinery/ 3 

n » 3 Eight 



55° 

Eight miles south of Chichester is the pleasant 
peninsula, improperly called island, of Selsea. It is 
surrounded, as Camden observes, on all sides by the 
sea, except on the north-west, where it is joined to 
the main land by an isthmus, of about a stone's throw 
over. When Ade I walch gave Selsea, Sidlesham, Ernly, 
and almost all the Manewood, to Wilfrid, they con^ 
tained eighty-seven families, about five hundred per- 
sons. The church is a stately, Gothic, structure, situ- 
ated in the north-east end of the parish, at a very con- 
siderable distance from what is called the street. A 
monastery was founded here, Camden says, by the 
munificence of the South-Saxon kings : it may be so : 
but from several circumstances I am induced to think 
that it was at the joint expence of all the (Christian) 
proprietors of land in this district. The same author 
says, that the remains of the adjoining city (now 
swallowed up by the sea) are still visible at low 
water. It is very true, that the sea has for many 
years encroached on the Lnd, on all this coast, and 
continues to do so at this day — it is likewise true 
that the best anchoring ground off the island is called 
the park — and that the rocks, between the island and 
the shoals, are called the streets, by the fishermen ; 

and 



55 1 

and yet I think the conjecture is very doubtful; and 
therefore I choose to leave it on his authority. 

About four miles south-west of Chichester, 
nearly on the confines of Hampshire, is Boseham, 
or Bosham ; where a daughter of Canute the Great 
was buried-^-and where Harold, the son of earl God- 
win, had a castle ; the vestiges of which are clearly 
to be distinguished to this day. We are informed, 
from Testa de Nevil, (the inquisition of lands made 
in the time of king John ) that the Conqueror " gave 
" Boseham to William Fitz-Aucher, and his heirs, 
" in fee farm, paying out of it yearly, into the ex- 
iC chequer, forty pounds of silver, tried and weighed ; 
(C and afterwards William Marshall held it as his in- 
" heritance." From the family of Marshall it came 
to that of Berkley ; for Maurice lord Berkley having 
recovered it, sixteenth of Henry VII. from those to 
whom his brother William had given it, possessed it, 
and other estates, to the day of his death, as his de- 
scendents do to this day. — The church of Bosham is 
a spacious venerable structure, built (it is said) at 
the sole expence of William Walewaft, bishop of 
Exeter, about the year 1119. It was made collegiate 
for adean and prebendaries, and endowed with many 

N n 4 privileges, 



privileges, which it enjoyed till the general dissolu- 
tion, when it was made parochial. As to the legen- 
dary tales of " Bosham great bell, and the giant's 
staf£" they need no refutation * 

About eight or nine miles north-west of Chi- 
chester is Stanstead, the elegant and delightful man- 
sion of the late earl of Hallifax, who left it to his 
daughter, who sold it to the present proprietor, 
Richard Barwell, esquire — a gentleman who acquired 
his very ample fortune in the East-Indies. The situ- 
ation of Stanstead is delightful ; from the windows 
there is a compleat view of Portsmouth, the isle, of 
Wight, and the shipping at Spithead. In the time 
of lord Hallifax, the walks through the extensive 
park, in which it is situated, were extremely rural, 
and the many vistas in them, terminating in some 
agreeable prospect, so judiciously planned, that 
though art had conducted the whole process, she lay 
concealed, and only nature struck the eye. 

About seven miles south-east of Chichester is 
the pleasant village of Bognor, now converted into 

a watering 

* As I intend to publish an account of the customs and 
privileges of this manor, I shall say no more concerning it &\ 
present. 



553 

a watering-place. It was built by the late sir Richard 
Hotham, and first resorted to as a watering-place in 
the summer of 1791. It affords an agreeable retreat 
for the valetudinarian, and those who dislike the 
tumult or expence of more populous places of public 
resort. 



CHAPTER 



554 



CHAPTER XXX. 



A LIST OF THE SHERIFFS OF THE COUNTY, THE MEMBERS FOR 
THE CITY, THE MAYORS, &C. 



THE SHERIFFS, 

From the first year of the reign of Henry II, 



1155 Hugo Wareluilla 

1156 Magerus Maleuvenant 

1157 

1158 Randulphus Picot 

1159 Iidem 

1160 Iidem 

1 1(5 1 Episcop. Chichest. Hilarius 

1162 Henricus Archidiacanus 

1163 Rogorus Hai 

1164 Iidem (for four years) 
1170 Reginaldus de Warrenn 

(for seven years) 

1177 Rogerus fliius Renfridi 

(for eleven years) 

1189 Philippus Rums 

1190 Philippus de Tresgar 
(for two years) 

1192 Johannes Marcscal 

(for two years) 
11 94 Willielmus Marescal 



1195 Willielmus Marescal and 
Stepbanus de Pountfold - 
(for two years) 

1197 Willielmus Marescal and 
Stephunus de Poudfold 

1198 Willielmus Marescal and 
Stephanus de Poudfold 

1199 Mich, de Apietricham 

1200 Willielmus Marescal 

1201 Robertus Turnham 

1202 Johannes Chaper 

1203 Willielmus Marescal 
1204; Mic. de Apeltricham and 

Johannes Ferles 

1205 Willielmus de Chaignes, 
Richardus de Maisi and 
Willielmus de St. Laudo 

1206 Iidem 

1207 Willielmus de Chaignes 
120S Iidem 

1200 Johannes 



555 



1209 Johannes films Hugonis 1239 Johannes de Gatesden and 

1210 Willielmus Briewre Philippus de Crofts 

1211 Johannes filius Hugonis 1241 Philippus de Crofts 

1212 Matth. filius Herbert and 1241 Randul. de Kaymes (for 
Gilbertus de Barier three years) 

1213 Matth. filius Herbert 1245 Robertus de Savage (for 

1214 Matth. filius Herbert and four years) 

Gilbertus de Barier 1250 Nich. de Wancy (for three 

1215 Matth. filius Herbert years) 

1216* Matth. filius Herbert and 1254 Will, and Mich, de Vere 

Gilbert Barier (for two years) 

1271 Matth. filius Herberti 1256 Galfr. de Grues (for two 

1218 Gilbertus Barrarius years) 

121 9 Matth. filius Herberti and 1258 Gerard de Cuncton 
Gilbertus Barrarius (for 1259 David de Jarpennii 

six years) 126*0 Johannes de Wanton (for 
1226 Matth. filius Herbert and two years) 

Herbert filius Walteri (for 1262 Robertus Agwillon (for 
four years) six years) 

1230 Robertus de Landelawe & 1268 Rogerus de Loges (for 
Henricus de Wintershul three years) 

1231 Iidcm 1217 Barthol. de Hastings (for 

1232 Petrus de Rival two years) 

1233 Iidem, and H. de Cancel 1272 Matth. de Hastings (% 

1234 Simon de Echingham and two years) 
Joelus de Germano 1274 Willie! . de Heme 

J235 Simon de Echingham, 1275 Johannes Wanton (for 
Henry de Bada, Johannes three years) 

de Gatesden, and Joel de 1278 Emerindus de Cancelis 
Sancto German (for two years) 

1236 Johannes de Gatesden and 1280 Nich. de Gras (for five 
Philip de Crofts years) 

1237 lidem 1286 Richardus de Pevensey 
|238 Johannes de Gatesden 1287 Iidem 

1288 Wiil. 



556 



1288 Will, de Pageham (for 

five years) 
1293 Robertus de Glamorgam 

(for six years) 
1299 John Albel (four years) 
1303 Walter de Gedding (for 

two years ) 
1305 Robertus de Knole (for 

three years) 

1308 Walter de Gedding 

1309 Williel. de Henle and 
Robertus de Sta'ngrave 
(for two years) 

1310 Williel. de Henle 

1312 Williel. de Henle and, 
Williel. de Mere 

1313 Petrus de Vienne (for 
two years) 

1315 Willielmus Merre 

1316 Walterus de Gras 

1317 Walterus de Gras and 
Petrus de Worldham 

1318 Petrus de Worldham and 
Henr. Husey (two years) 

1321 Henricus Husey 

1323 Nicholas Gentil (for two 

years) 
1325 Petrus de Worldham and 

Andream Medested (for 

three years) 

1328 Nicholas Gentil 

1329 Nicholas Gentil and 
Robertus de Stangrave 
(for three years) 



1332 Johannes Dabnam 
1332 Williel. VaugKan (for 

two years) 
1335 Idem, and Johannes 

Dabnam (three years) 

1338 Willielm. Vaughan (for 
two years) 

1339 Godfridus de Hunston 

1340 Williel. de Northo and 
Godfridus de Hunston 

1341 Hugo de Bowcy and 
Willielm. de Northo 

1342 Andreas Peverel, and 
Hugo de Bowcy 

1343 Jidem 

1344 Williel. de Northo 

1345 Regind. de Forester (for 
three years) 

1348 Rogerus Daber 

1349 Tho. Hoo (three years) 
1352 Richardus de St. Oweyn 

(for two years) 
1354 Simon de Codington 
X355 Rogerus Leukenor 
1356' W ill. Northo 
1357 Tho de Hoo (three yrs.) 
1360 Richardus de Hurst (for 

three years) 
1363 Simon de Codington 
13^4 Ranul. Thurnburn 

1365 Johannes Wateys 

1366 Johannes Weyvile 
136'7 Andreas Sackvile (for 

three years) 

] 370 Ranul, 



557 



1370 Ranul. Thurnburn (for 
two years) 

1372 Willie!. Ncidegate 

1373 Roger. Dalingrugg 
1374- Nichol. Wilcomb 
1375 Robertus de Loxele 
137G Robertus Atte. Hele 

1377 Johannes St. Gere 

1378 Johannes de Melburn 

1379 Will. Percy and Edward 
Fitz-Herbert 

1380 Johannes de Hadresham 

1381 Nich. Sleyfeld 

1382 Will. Percy 

1383 Will. Weston 

1354 Will. Waleys 

1355 Robertus Nutborne 
13S6' Richardus Hurst 
1387 Thomae Hardin 
138S Iidem 

1389 Edward, de St. Johannes 
13Q0 Robertus Atte Mulle 

1391 Robert de Echingham 

1392 Nicholas Carew 

1393 Thomae Jardin 

1394 Nich. Slyfcld 
1*395 Edward. St. John 
13&6 Johannes Ashburnham 

1397 Willielmus Fienes 

1398 Johannes Salerne 

1399 Willielmus Fienes 

1400 Randul. Codington 



1402 Nichol. Ashburnham 

1403 Robertus Atte Mulle, 
(for two years) 

1405 Philip. St. Clere 

1406 Thomas Sackvile 

1407 Thomae Clipsham 

1408 Willielmus Verd 

1409 Tho. Ashburnham 

1410 Johan. Warne Campie 

1411 Johan. Waterton 

1412 Johan. Haysham 

1413 Johan. Wintershul 

1414 Johan. Clipsham 

1415 Johan. Uvcdale 

1416 Johan. Weston 

1417 James Knotsford 

1418 Johan. Clipsham 

1419 Johan. II ace 

1420 Johan. Bolvey and James 
Knotesford 

1421 Sir Roger Fienes 

1422 John Winterseul 

1423 Johan. Clipsham 

1424 Thomas Leukenor 

1425 Johan. Ferriby 

1426 Will. Warbleton 

1427 Johan. Wintershal 

1428 Williel. Uvedale 

1429 Williel. Finch 

1430 Sir T. Leukenor 

1431 Johan. Anderne 
14 32 Richardus Waller 



1401 Nich. Carew and Johannes 1433 Sir Roger Fienes 

Pelham 1434 Richardus Dalingrugg 



1435 Johannes 



558 



1435 Johannes Fereby 

1436 Tho. Uvedale 

1437 James Fienes 

1438 Sir Roger Leukenor 

1439 Nich. Carew 

1440 Walter Strickland 

1441 John Stanley, 

1442 John Basket, esquire 

1443 Nich. Carew 

1444 Nich. Hussey 

1445 Williel. Belknape 

1446 Robertas Radmill 

1447 Nich. Carew (two years) 

1449 Joh. Pennycoke 

1450 Joh. Lejukenor 

1451 Tho. Yard 

1452 Sir Richard Fienes (for 
two years) 

1454 Joh. Knotesford 

1455 Sir Tho. Cobham (for 
two years) 

1457 Mich. Husey 

1458 Tho. Basset 

1459 Tiio. Tresham 

1460 Rob. Fienes, esquire 

1461 Nich. Gainsford 

1462 Walter Denis (two years) 

1464 Tho. Goring, esquire 

1465 Sir Tho. Uvedale 

1466 Will. Cheney, esquire 

1467 Tho. Vaughan 

1468 Sir Roger Lewkenor 
1*469 Nich. Gainsford, esquire 
1470 Riqh. Lewkenor, esquire 



1471 Tho. St. Leger, esquire 

1472 Joh. Gainsford 

1473 Nich. Gainsford 

1474 Tho. Lewkenor, esquire 

1475 Tho. Echingham 
1476* Joh. Wode Ser, esquire 

1477 Sir Henry Roos 

1478 Will. Weston 

1479 Tho. Combes, esquire 

1480 Joh. Elringhton 

1481 Tho. Fienes 

1482 Joh. Apseley 

1483 Sir Hen. Roos 

1484 Joh. Dudley 

1485 Sir John Norbury 

1486 Nich. Gainsford 

1487 Tho. Combes, esquire 

1488 Will. Merston 

1489 Rob. Morley 

1490 John Apseley, esquire 

1491 Richard Lewkenor 

1492 Edward Dawtree, esquire 

1493 John Leigh, esquire 

1494 John Coke, esquire 

1495 John Apseley, esquire 

1496 Richard Lewkenor, esq* 

1497 Matth. Brown, esquire 

1498 Richard Sack vile, esquir* 

1499 John Coke, esquire 
1550 Sir Thomas Ashburnhajji 
1501 John Gainsford, esquire 

(for two years) 

1503 John Apseley, esquire 

1504 Rad. Shirley, esquire 

1505 Richard 



559 



2505 Richard Sackville, esq. 
1 506* Godr. Oxenbrig 

1507 Will, Ashburnham, esq. 

1508 Tho. Morton, esquire 

1509 Sir Thomas Fienes 

1510 John Leigh, esquire 

1511 Edward Lewknor, esq. 

1512 Sir Roger J/wkenor 

1513 Sir Godr. Oxenbrigg 

1514 Richard Shirley, esquire 

1515 Richard Copley, esquire 

1516 Sir John Leigh 

1517 Will. Ashburnham, esq. 

1518 Sir John Gainsford 

1519 Richard Carew, esquire 

1520 Sir Godr. Oxenbrigg 

1521 John Scott, esquire 

1522 Sir Edward Bray 

3 523 Richard Covert, esquire 

1524 Will. Ashburnham, esq. 

1525 Sir Thomas West 

1526 Richard Shirley, esquire 

1527 Sir John Daw tree 

1528 John Sackvile, esquire 

1529 Richard Belingham 

1530 Sir Roger Copley 

1531 Sir William Goring 

1532 Sir Roger Lewkenor 
153 3 Christopher Moore, esq. 
J 534 John Palmer, esquire 
1535 Richard Belengham 

1537 Sir Richard Page 

1538 Nich. Gainsiord, esquire 

1539 Sir Edward Bray 



1 540 Sir Christopher Moore 

1541 John Sackvile, esquire 

1542 Thomas Darell, esquire 

1543 Richard Bellingham, esq. 

1544 John Palmer, esquire 

1545 John Thetcher, esquire 

1546 Sir John Dawtree 

1547 John Sackvile, esquire 

1548 Sii Thomas Carden 

1549 John Scott, esquire 

1550 Sir Nicholas Pelham 

1551 Sir William Goring 

1552 Robert Oxenbrigg, esq, 

1553 Sir Anthony Brown 

1554 Sir Thomas Saunders 

1555 John Covert, esquire 

1556 William Saunders, esquire 

1557 Sir Edward Gage 

1558 John Ashburnham, esq. 

1559 William Moore, esq. and 
Sir Tho. Palmer 

1560 John Colpcper, esquire 

1561 John Stidoli", esquire 

1562 Henry Goring, esquire 
150'3 William Gresham 
156*4 Richard Covert, esquire 

1565 Anthony Pelham, esquire 

1566 William Dawtree, esq. 

1567 Edward Bellingham, esq, 

1568 John Apseley, esquire 
15.69 Henry Goring, esquire 

1570 Edward Carrell, esquire, 

1571 John Pelham, esquire 
15?2 Sir Thomas Palmer 

1573 Francis- 



560 



1573 Francis Shirley, esquire 


1606 


1574 John Rede, esquire, and 


1607 


Richard Polsted 


1608 


1575 Henry Pelham, esquire 


1609 


1576 William Gresham, esquire 


161O 


1577 Sir Thomas Shirley 


I611 


1578 George Goring, esquire 


I6i2 


157.9 Sir William Moore 


16i3 


1580 William Morley, esquire 


161 4 


1581 Edward Shield, esquire 


l6i5 


1582 Sir Thomas Brown 




1583 Walter Covert, esquire 


1616 


1584 Thomas Bishop, esquire 


16 17 


1585 Richard Bostock, esq. 


1618 


1586 'Nich. Parker, esquire 


1619 


1587 Rich. Brown, esquire 


1620 


15S8 John Carrell, esquire 


l^2i 


1589 Tho. Pelham, esquire 


1622 


1590 Henry Pelham, esquire 


1623 


1591 Robert Linsey, esquire 


1624 


1592 Sir Walter Covert 


1625 


1593 Sir Nich. Barker 


1626 


1594 William Gardeux, esq. 


1627 


1595 Richard Leech, esquire 


1628 


1596 Edmund Colpeper, esq. 


1629 


1597 George Moore, esquire 


1630 


1598 James Colebrand, esquire 


163 1 


1599 Tho. EversrleJd, esquire 


1632 


1600 Edmund Boier, esquire 


1633 


1601 Tho. Bishop, esquire 


1634 


1602 John Ashburnham, esq. 


1635 


l603 Robert Lynsey, esquire 


1636 


l604 Sir Henry Goring 


1637 


1^05 Sir Edw. Colpeper 


16'3 8 



Sir Tho, Hoskings 
Henry Morley, esquire - 
Sir George Gunter 
Sir Thomas Hunt 
John Lountesford 
Edward Bellingham 
Will. Wignall, esquire 
Edw. Goring, esquire 
Sir John Willdigos 
Rola Trops Moore and 
Sir John Morgan 
Sir John Shirley 
John Middleton, esquire 
Sir John Howland 
Nich. Eversfeld, esquire 
Richard Michelborne 
Sir Francis Leigh 
Sir Thomas Springer 
Sir Benjamin Pelham 
Amb. Browne, esquire 
Edr. Alford, esquire 
Thomas Bowyer, esquire 
Edward Jourden, esquire 
Sir Stephen Boord 
Anthony May, esquire 
Sir William Walter 

Sir John Chapman 
Richard Evelyn, esquire 
William Colpeper, esquire 
Sir William Morley 
Sir Edward Bishop 
Anthony Fowle, esquire 
Anthony Fonter, esquire 
1639 Edward 



561 



1639 Edward Apseley, esquire 1643 J. Baker, esquire 

1640 George Churcher, esquire 1644 Edward Payne, esquire 



1641 Egid. Garton, esquire 1645 • 

1642 1646 T. Eversfeld, esquire 

1750 Peckham Williams, (."'Chichester, esquire 

1751 Robert Bull, of the same, esquire 

1752 William Watson, ofTicehurst, esquire 
17-53 Robert Randall, of Herrings, esquire 

1754 Waiter Bartelot, of Stopham, esquire 

1755 John Major, of East-Grinsted, esquire 
17-56 Joseph Calverley, of the Broad, esquire 

1757 James Ward, of West-Grinsted, esquire 

1758 James Goble, of Petworth, esquire 

1759 John Margcsson, of Offington, esquire 

1760 John Aldridgc, of New-Lodge, esquire 

1761 William Thomas, junr. of Yapton, esquire 
176- Thomas Grainger, of Cuckfield, esquire 

1763 Thomas Fowle, of Rothcriield, esquire 

1764 John Pay, of Rudgwick, esquire 

1765 Samuel Leeves, of Pulborough, esquire 

1766 John Burges, of Brookhome, esquire 

1767 James Wood, of Turnehara, esquire 
176S John Paine, of Patcham, esquire 

1769 John Laker, of Wisborough-Green, esquire 

1770 William Westbrooke Richardson, of Ferring, esquire 

1771 William Richardson, of Milland, esquire 

1772 William Gratuicke, of Angmering, esquire 

1773 Kemble Whateley, of Hartfield, esquire 

1774 George Peckham, of Iridge, esquire 

1775 Thomas Baker, of Mayfield, esquire 

1776 Edward Hutchinson, of Fittleworth, esquire 

1777 Thomas Kemp, of Lewes, esquire 

1778 Colville Bridger, of Old Shoreham, esquire 

1779 John 



562 

1779 John Harrison, of Rotherfield, esquire 

1780 Sir John Bridger, of Hamsey, knight 
l?8i William Peachey, of Kirdford, esquire 

1782 William Frankland, of Muntham, esquire 

1783 John Norton, of Southwick, esquire 

1784 Thomas Dennet, of Washington, esquire 

1785 William Nelthorpe, of Nuthurst.. Lodge, esquire 
I78fj Francis Sergison, of Cuckfield, esquire 

1787 Richard Wyatt, of Freemans, esquire 

1788 John Bean, of Littlington, esquire 

1789 Sir Ferdmando Poole, of Lewes, baronet 

1790 Flenry Manning, of Southover, esquire 

1791 John Drew, of Chichester, esquire 

1792 Edmund Woods, of Shopwhyke, esquire 

1793 Thomas Richardson, of Warminghurst, esquire 

1794 Samuel Twyford, of Trotten, esquire 

1795 Francis Newberry, of Heathfield, esquire 
1790 John Fuller, of Brightling, esquire 

1797 Charles Scraes Dickens, of Brighthelmstone, esquire 

1798 Richard Thomas Streatfield, of Heathfield, esquire 

1799 Charles Edward Pigon, of Frant, esquire 

1800 Sir Thomas Carr, of Beddinsham, knight 

1801 William Borer, of Hurstpierpoint, esquire 

1802 Sir William Ashhurnham, of Broomham, baronet 

1803 John William Commerel, of Stroud, esquire 

1804 John Dennet, of Woodmancote, esquire 



The preceeding list -to the year i646, is copied from doctor 
Fuller's account of the counties of Sussex and Surry ; who men- 
tions, not without reason, the difficulty of extracting correct lists 
from the records which were in his hands; as the office for both 
counties was so often uniteel in the same person; and again separate. 
Generally (but not invariably, from which circumstance the dif- 
ficulty 



5^3 



ficulty arose) they were distinct before the reign of Edward II. 
(anno 1307) when they were united under one: then again 
divided in the ninth year of queen Elizabeth (1067) ; divided again 
in the twelfth of king Charles I. and have continued so ever since. 
" Nor will we warrant (says the doctor) that in so perplexed a 
" matter we have dorte all right; but submit our best endeavours 
" to the censure and correction of the more judicious/' His ac- 
count comes not down lower than the year 1646; and as my in- 
tention in publishing these lists is to inform my readers what fami- 
lies flourished in these parts in the earlier part of our history, I 
thought the preceeding would be sufficient for that purpose, with- 
out descending lower j especially as I could not conveniently pro- 
cure a continuation. — The ancestors of many of the noble families 
in this county, of the present day, are to be found in that account. 
That some once flourishing and respectable families should be now 
extinct, will be matter of surprise to none; it is the fate to which 
all things human are subject. Several of the names in the former 
part of the account I apprehend are not the surnames of those 
gentlemen ; but only designate the place of their residence, or the 
place they originally came from; such as Stephanus de Poudfold, 
Michael de Apletricham, (Stephen of Poudfold, Michael of Apple- 
dram) &c.-— The first title of honour among them is sir Roger 
Lcwkcnor, anno 1438 — and the first denominated esquire is John 
Basket, in 1442. — The latter part I have added for the sake of 
those who may wish to know the names of the late sheriffs. 



002 THE 



564 

THE MEMBERS, 



Returned to serve in Parliament for this City, 
from the year 1660 to the year 1804 * 

1660 Henry Peckham, esquire— William Cawley, esquire 

1661 -Henry Peckham, esquire — William Garraway, esquire 
167% Richard May, ofRawmere, esquire— John Bramen, of Chi- 
chester, esquire 

i6Sl Richard Farington, of the South-street, Chichester, esquire 

and John Bramen, esquire 
1685 Sir Richard May, knight — George Gunter, of Racton, esq. 
16*88 Thomas Miller of Lavant and South-street, esquire— Thomas 

May, esquire 
169O Thomas Miller, esquire — Thomas May, esquire 
l6$0 Lord Ranelaugh — William Elson, esquire 
16*98 Sir Richard Farington, baronet — John Miller, esquire 

1700 (6th of February) Sir Thomas May, knight William 

Elson, of Groves, esquire 

1701 (30th of December) John Miller, esquire — W. Elson, esq. 
1/02 (20th of August) John Miller, esquire— Willm. Elson, esq. 
1705 (i4th of July) William Elson, esquire (dead, new writ i5th 

of November, 1705) — Sir Thomas Littleton, baronet 
Thomas Onslow, esquire 

1707 (23d of October) Thomas Onslow, esquire— Sir Edward 

Littleton, baronet 

1708 (8th of July) Captain Thomas Carr, Pallant— Sir Richard 

Farington, baronet, in the house now Mrs. Smith's. 
1710 (25th of November) Sir Richard Farington, baronet— Sir 
John Miller, of Lavant, baronet 

1713 

* The first summons sent to Chichester to send two citizens as their 
representatives to parliament, was in the twenty-third of Edward I. A. d» 
129,5. (Vide Rolls of Parliament.) 



56; 



1713 (12th of No -ember) William Elson, of Groves, esquire-* 

The honourable James Brudenell 

1714 ( 1 7th of -March) Sir Richard Farington, baronet, (dead, 

24th of November, 1719) — Thomas Miller, of Grayling- 
Well, esquire — Henry Kelsall, esquire 

lt%2 (10th of May) The earl of March, son of the first duke of 
Richmond, succeeded his lather as duke of Richmond, 
9th of January, 1723-4 — Sir Thomas Miller, baronet— 
The hight honourable William Beauclerk 

1727 (28th of November) The honourable Charles Lumley, of 
Stansted (deceased i?2S-p) — Right honorable William 
Beauclerk (deceased 1731^-2) — The honourable James 
Lumley — Sir Thomas PcnJergast, baronet 

1734- (13th of June) The honourable James Brudenell — Colonel 
s, of the South-street, Chichester 

1741 (25th of June) The honourable James Brudenell (dec 

nth of August, 1746") — John Page, of Watergate, esquire 
—The right honourable George Keppell, commonly called 
lord viscount Bury 

174/ (13th of August) John Page, esquire — Lord viscount Bury g 
son of lord Albermarle 

1754 (31st of May) Lord viscount Bury, succeeded his father as 
earl of Albermarle, 8th of January, 1755 — John Page, 
esquire — The honourable Augustus Keppell 

17" 1 (if)th of May) Lord viscount Downe, of the kingdom of 
Ireland— James Whitshed, esquire 

170S (10th of May) The right honourable William Keppell— The 
right honourable Thomas Conol'y 

177 1 (20 th of November j The honourable William Keppell— 
The right honourable Thomas Conolly 

17S0 (3 1st < t October) The honourable William Keppell, deceased 
— Thomas Steele, esquire — The honourable Percy Charles 
Wyndham, brother to lord Eijremont 

1784 



5 66 



1784 (ISthofMay) Thomas Steele, esquire—— -George White 

Thomas, esquire 
1790 (lOth of August) Thomas Steele, esquire, paymaster of the 

forces, vacated and re-elected — George White Thomas, 

esquire — The right honourable Thomas Steele 
1796 (i2th of July) The right honourable Thomas Steele, king's 

remembrancer in the exchequer, vacated— George White 

Thomas, esquire — The right honourable Thomas Steele, 

re-elected 
1802 (8th of July) The right honourable Thomas Steele — George 

White Thomas, esquire 



THE FOLLOWING ARE 

The present Representatives from Sussex : 

For the County— Major General Lennox, and J. Fuller, esq. 
Chichester — Rt. Hon. T. Steele, and G. W. Thomas, esq. 
Arundel— Lord viscount Andover, and John Atkins, esq. 
Br amber — George Sutton, esq. and Henry Joddrell, esq. 
East-Grinsted— Sir H. Strachey, bart. and D. Giles, esq. 
Hastings — Lord Glenbervie, and G. W. Gunning, esq. 
Horsham — E. C. Hilliard, esq. and Patrick Ross, esq. 
Lewes — Lord F. G. Osborne, and H. Shelley, junr. esq. 
Midhurst — G. Smith, esq. and S. Smith, esq. 
Rye — Sir C. Talbot, and T. Davis Lamb, esq. 
Sea ford— C. R. Ellis, esq. and R. J. Sullivan, esq. 
Sh or eh am — Sir C. Bishop, baronet, F. R. s. and Timothy 

Shelley, esq. 
Steyning — J. M. Lloyd, esq. and R. Hurst, esq. 
Win ciielsea— R. Ladbroke, esq. and W, Moffat, esq. 



A TABLE, 



5^7 
A TABLE, 

Shewing the duration of the several Parliaments from'the beginning 
of the reign of Henry VIII. to the present time. 



Monarcks. * 


When met. 


When dissolved. 


Henry VIII. 


21 Jan. 


1.509 


23 Feb. 1509 




4 Feb. 


1511 


4 March, 1513 




5 Feb. 


1514 


22 Dec. 1515 




1 5 April 


1523 


13 Aug. 1523 




3 Nov. 


1530 


4 April, 1531 




S June 


1531 


1 8 July, 1 536 




S April 


1539 


24 July, 1540 




10* Jan. 


1541 


29 -March, 1544 




23 Nov. 


1545 


31 Jan. 1547 


Edward VI. 


4 Nov. 


1547 


15 April, 1552 




4 March 


, 1555 


31 March, 1553 


Mary 


5 Oct. 


1553 


6 Dec. 1553 




2 April 


1554 


5 May, 1554 




12 Nov. 


1554 


16 Jan. 1555 




21 Oct. 


1 5 5 5 


9 Dec. 1555 




20 Jan. 


1557 


17 Nov. 1557 


Elizabeth 


23 Jan. 


155S 


S May, 1558 




1 1 Jan. 


1562 


2 Jam 1567 




2 April, 


1571 


29 May, 1571 




8 May 


1572 


18 March, 15SO 




23 Nov. 


1585 


14 Sept. 1586 




20 Oct. 


1586 


23 March, 1587 




4 Feb. 


1588 


29 March, 1588 




19 Nov. 


1592 


10 April, 1593 




24 Oct. 


1591 


9 Feb. 1598 




7 Oct. 


i Go l 


29 Dec. 1601 


James I. 


19 Mar. 


1603 


9 Feb. 16U 




5 April, 


1(44 


7 June, 10*14 




30 Jan. 


102G 


8 Feb. 1621 




10 Feb. 


1623 


24 xMarch,l625 


Charles I. 


17 May 


1625 


12 Aug. 1625 




0' Feb. 


1626 


15 June lo2^ 




17 -March 


,i627 


10 March, 1628 




13 April, 


] 640 


3 May, 1640 




3 Nov. 


J 640 


20 April, 1653 


Charles II. 


25 April, 


1060 


29 Dec. 1660 




8 May, 


1661 


24 Jan. 1678 

6 JJ^ar. 



5 68 



Monarch*. 


When met. 


When dissolved. 




6 March 


1679 


12 July, 1679 




17 Oct. 


1679 


18 Jan. 168 1 




21 March 


1681 


21 March, 1 681 


James II. 


12 March, 


1685 


28 July, 1687 




22 Jan. 


1688 


26 Feb. 1689 


William III. 


20 March 


1689 


11 Oct. 1695 




27 Nov, 


1695 


7 July, 169S 




24 Aug. 


1698 


19 Dec. 1699 




26 Feb. 


1700 


J 1 Nov. 1701 




30 Dec. 


170J 


7 July, 1702 


Anne 


20 Aug. 


1702 


5 April, 1705 




1 4 June, 


1705 


15 April, 1708 




8 July, 


1708 


21 Sept. .1710 




25 Nov. 


1710 


8 August, 17 13 




12 Nov. 


1713 


15 Jan. 1715 


George I. 


17 March 


,1715 


-10 March, 1721 




10 May, 


1722 


5 Aug.- 1727 


George II. 


28 Nov. 


1727 


18 April, 1734 




13 June, 


1734 


28 April, 1741 




2 5 June, 


1741 


18 June, 1747 




13 Aug. 


1747 


S April, 1754 




31 May, 


1754 


20 March, 1761 


George III. 


6 Nov. 


1761 


12 March, 1768 




10 May, 


1768 


30 Sep. 1774 




29 Nov. 


1774 


1 Sep. 1780 




31 Oct. 


1780 


25 March, 1784 




18 May, 


1784 


1 1 June, 179° 




25 Nov. 


1790 


, 20 May, 1796 
29 June, 1802 




27 Sep. 


1796 




29 Oct. 


1802 



From a careful attention to the preceeding table (the 
authority and accuracy of which may be depended on) the follow- 
in!}; tacts may be deduced. First— It appears that since the year 
1509, (whenit is generally believed the duration of Parliaments 
was extended beyond one year) only four parliaments have been of 
longer duration than seven years — and seven more than six years ; 
and that of the rest, only six have lasted more than five years; 

two above tour ; and two above three. Secondly, That from 

1509 to 1715, the average duration of parliaments was something 
less thVtn four years— and since tWt timte about six years and a 
quarter. 

THE 



5^9 
THE MAYORS, 

From the year 1531 to the year 1803. 



1531 

1532 Robert Bowyer 

1533 John JUollins 
1534? John Lane 
1535 John Hardham 
1536* Elisha Bradshaw 

1537 Elisha Bradshaw 

1538 William Broadbridge 

1539 John Boyes 

1540 John Castleman 

1541 Robert Bowyer 
154-2 John Mollins 
154-3 August. Cresweller 

1544 John Lane 

1545 John B landlord 

1546 Robert Bowyer 

1547 John Knott 

1548 John Diggens 

1549 Thomas Hitchcock 

1550 Bryant Banks 

155 1 Robert Bowyer 

1552 John Knott 

1553 Nicholas Exton 

1554 Richard King 

1555 John Castleman 
1550" John Diggens 

1557 John Ward 

1558 Robert Payne 



1559 Peter Topott 

1560 John Cook 

1561 Thomas Farrington 

1562 Thomas Hitchcock 

1563 Thomas Adams 

1564 Lawrance Adrew 

1565 John Moyse 

1566 William Barcomb 

1567 John Diggens 

1568 Ralph Chandler 
156'9 John Ihecomb 

1570 Thomas Blake 

1571 Thomas Farrington 

1572 John Cook 

1573 Thomas Adams 

1574 Ralph Chandler 

1575 John Moyes 
1576' Thomas Stiilman 

1577 Thomas Blake 

1578 John Cook 

1579 Thomas Adams 
15S0 William Holland 
1581 Robert Smith 
15S2 Robert Adams 

1583 Ralph Chandler 

1584 Thomas Turgcs 

1585 John Farrington 

1586 George Chatfield 



p p 



15S7 August. 



57° 



1587 August, Hitchcock 


16L9 Thomas Collins 


1$«8 William Holland 


16*20 Henry Shelly 


1589 Edward Manning 


1621 John Shalat 


1 590 John Cawley 


1622 Richard Triggs, died June 


159i Thomas Hill 


1, and Edward Lawrance 


1592 Robert Adams 


served out 


1593 John Farrington 


1623 John Greenfield 


1594- John Roemen 


lr724 Peter Fox 


1595 John Lyving 


1625 George Green 


1596' Richard Reese 


1626 William Strudwick 


1597 William Holland 


1627 John Hobson 


1598 Ralph Chandler 


1628 JohnPannet 


1599 George Chatfield, died the 


1629 Thomas Farrington 


4th of May, and August. 


1(>30 'Benjamin Hooke 


Hitchcock served out 


1631 Thomas Collins 


1600 Edward Manning 


lfJ32 Henry Chitty 


l6'0 1 John Cawley 


1633 John Greenfield 


l602 Richard Greenfield 


1634 John Palmer 


l6'03 Thomas Hills 


1635 Stephen Humphrey 


l(>04 Thomas By ret 


1636 William Handshaw 


1605 John Comber 


1637 George Green 


] 6g6 Robert Adams 


163S John Hobson 


1607 Peter Palmer 


1639 John Pannet 


16O8 Edward Laurance 


1640 Thomas Farrington 


1609 John Exton 


1641 Robert Exton 


1610 Thomas Briggham 


1642 John Bartholomew 


l6ll John Ransom 


1643 Thomas Ball 


1612 Richard Kere 


1644 Robert Colpis 


1613 John Cawley 


1645 Nicholas Dallender 


l6l4 George Adams 


1^46 Thomas Collins 


1615 Benjamin Hcoke 


1647 John Palmer 


l6l6 William Strtidwick 


1648 Edward Hobson 


1617 Thomas Norton 


1649 Stephen Humphrey 


\6l 8 Thomas Farrington 


1650 Thomas Farrington 




1651 Nicholas 



57 1 



i65i Nicholas Exton 


1682 Robert Thornden 


i652 Randolph Tuttee 


1683 Robert Tayer 


16*53 Thomas Wheeler 


1684 Robert Tayer 


1654- John Aylwin 


1085 William Costellow 


1655 Richard Manning 


1686 Henry Peckham 


1656 William Stamper 


1687 Richard Mannings, dis- 


1657 John Wood 


missed by order of council, 


]65S Francis Hobson 


Robert Iiastling served out 


1659 Richard Mitchell 


1688 George Stamper, dismissed 


1660 William Burry 


by proclamation , and F. 


1661 Anthony Williams 


Goater served out 


1662 John Greenfield, died 5th 


16*89 John Cloudcsley 


March, and Mark Miller 


16*90 Richard Dally 


served out 


1691 Robert Thornden 


1663 Nicholas Exton 


1692 Richard Brooman 


1664 Thomas Burry 


16*93 Robert Smith 


l66\5 Edward Exton 


1694 John Sedgwick 


1666 Thomas Valler 


1695 Francis Goater 


l667 Richard Young 


1696 John Sowton 


166S William Day, died 6 Oct. 


1697 John Cloudesley 


and T. Miller served out 


1698 Richard Dally 


I669 Stephen Penfold 


16*99 Robert Iiastling 


1670 Richard Brooman 


1700 Thomas Hammond 


l67x William Burry 


170 1 William Costellow 


16*72 Francis Hobson 


1702 John Sherer 


1673 Robert Baker 


1703 John Sowton 


1674- Edward Exton 


1704 Robert Smith 


1675 Richard Young 


1705 Richard Godroan 


1676 Thomas Valler 


1706* Sit John Miller, baronet 


16*77 Stephen Penfold 


1707 James Vavasor 


1678 Thomas Miller 


1708 Thomas Carr 


1679 William Jennings 


1709 John Elson 


1 680 William Costellow 


17 1 Thomas Hammond 


l6'Si Henry Peckham 


1711 John Lang 


r 


P 2 1772 John 



57 z 



1712 John Cloudesley 

1713 Richard Nash 
3714 William Collins 

1715 Thomas Nevill 

1716 Thomas Hammond 

1717 John Sowton 

1718 Nicholas Covert 
3719 John Lang 

1720 John Costellow 

1721 William Collins 

3 722 Henry Peckham 
1723. George Harris 
1724 John Harris 
3725 John Lang 

1726 Benjamin Covert 

1727 George Murray 

1728 Henry Peckham 

1729 John Sanden 

1730 Francis Sone 

1731 BenjaminCovert 

1732 Henry Peckham 

1733 John Sanden 

1734 Robert Norton 

1735 Charles duke of Richmond 

1736 Peter Buck 

1737 Thomas Till, died i4th of 
August, and Peter Buck 
served out 

1738 Robert North 

1739 Thomas Sanden 
3740 John Dear 

1741 Thomas Wall 

1742 William Battinc 

1743 Thomas Lanarish 



1744 Charles duke of Richmond 

1745 Thomas Wall 

1746 John Butler 
3747 Robert Norton 

1748 Sir John Miller, baronet 
3 749 Gideon Murray 
3750 James Clayton 

1751 Henry Smart 

1752 Joseph Baker 

1753 Richard Buckner 

1754 Robert Bull 

1755 Yarrel Johnson 

1756 Gideon Murray 
3 757 John Murray 
1758 Richard Baker 

3 759 William Higgens 

1760 Joseph Baker 

1761 William Fleteher, died the 

I Oth of August, and J. 
Baker served out 

1762 Edward Blaxton 

1763 Lord George Lennox 

1764 John Shore 

1765 Francis Dear 

1766 Robert Norton 

1767 William Smith 
176's William Johnson 
3769 Thomas Jones 

1770 Thomas Sanden 

1771 Yarrel Johnson 

1772 Lord George Lennox 

1773 Richard Buckner 
3774 John Covert 
1775 Richard West 

177$ John 



573 



1776 John Peerman 

1777 William Knott 

1778 Richard North 

1779 Henry Muilins, died 5th 
of March, and R. North 
served out 

1780 William Johnson 

1781 Richard Halsey 

1782 John Dcarling 

3 783 Charles Buckner 
1784 John Newland 
178A John Drew 
1786 William Smith 
17S7 William Ridge 
J78S John Murray 



1789 James Harvey 

1790 Loftus Nunn 

1791 Robert Quennell 

1792 John Blagden 

1793 John Crawford 

1794 Richard Murray 
179-5 Thomas Jones 
179o John Clement 

1797 Jofea Newland 

1798 John Drew 

1799 William Ridge 

1800 John Murray 

1801 John Blagden 
1S02 General Lennox 
1803 John Crawford 



AN ACCOUNT OF 

The Population of the City of Chichester : 
Taken at different Times. 

Years, Inhabitants. Houses. 

1739 4-0-30 net mentioned. 

1740 37 12 783 

1762 3610 767 

1769 3970 859 

1774 4203 844 

1S01 4684 not mentioned, 



Fen-tic. L - 



574 
Particular Atcouni of the Survey taken in April ] 801 

FmiU Inhabitant;. 

Saint Andrew .»♦...» • 5%3 

All Saints 237 

Subileanry, in the city 1435 

Ditto, in the county -....,.. . . 170 

Saint Martinf 303 

Saint Olave 244 

Saint Peter the Less 345 

Saint Pancrass, in the city 270 

Ditto, in the county - 66l 

Saint Bartholomew 259 

The Close 137 

4684 
Population in the year 1774, 4203 



Increase in 27 years, 481 

There is no reason to doubt the accuracy of the survey of 
1801, unless it should be suspected that it, as well as the general 
survey of the kingdom then had, was taken at the desire of the 
ministery, who doubtless were solicitous that the population of the 
kingdom should appear increased, and not diminished, after a long 
destructive war, in which so many lives were lost. In general, 
the wish of administration was known; and in some instances, no 
doubt, influenced the returns that were made: that it did so in 
Chichester I do not maintain. Perhaps the former surveys in- 
cluded only the inhabitants of the city and Close, and did not 
take in those in the county belonging to the paiishes of the Sub- 
deanry and saint Pancrass. In that case there would be a deficit 
in the population of 1S01 of three hundred and fifty, compared 

with 



575 



with that of 1774— which certainly was not the case. On the 
other hand, if we allow, as we ought to do, that the population 
of the city, in the last thirty years, has increased— the number 
(almost five hundred) is far too high to be credited by the intelli- 
gent investigator of cause and effect. From 1739 to 1762, there 
is a falling away of more than four hundred : which may very 
well be : all the intervening years, abating a few, being years of 
war, and some of them of scarcity. And every person in 
the least conversant in these matters, knows that the population 
of every place (except places of amusement) almost entirely de- 
pends upon the quantity of productive labour to be found there, 
and the price of provisions. And war, at the same time that it 
enhances the price of the necessaries of life, strikes at the very 
root of productive labour, by stopping the exportation of our 
manufactures. 



LIST 



57 6 



LIST 

Of the Corporation of the City of Chichester, 

At Michaelmas i803. 

Charles, duke ojf Richmond, high-steward, &c. 

Constituted 1753. 



John Crawford, mayor 
Robert Steele, recorder 
Richard Wilraot, deputy-recorder 

ALDERMEN. 

Rt. Hon. Lord G. Lennox 

Charles Buckner 

John Newland 

John Drew 

William Ridge 

John Murray 

Loftus Nunn 

John Blagden 

Richard Murray 

John Clement 

Charles Lennox 

Edward Johnson, town-clerk 

BAILIFFS. 

Rt. Hon. Thomas Steele 

Thomas Trew 

William Johnson, junior 

Samuel Cobby 

Thomas Rhoades 

John Quantock 

John Legg 

John Geast 

James Sholto Douglas 

Thomas Peerman 

COMMON-COUNCIL. 

William Battine 

Sir Thomas Miller, baronet 

Christopher Teesdale 



Richard Godman Temple 

Thomas Haines 

Jacob Pope 

William Fowler 

Alexander Williams 

Francis Diggens 

Hon. Percy Charles Wyndham 

Edward Pasco 

Hon. G. Cranrleld Berkeley 

John Sargent 

William Wittman 

Earl Bathurst 

John Macfarland 

George Sedgwick Wilmot 

Thomas Chaldecott 

Kempster Knight 

John Utterson 

William Humphry 

Heneage Girod 

William Charles Newland 

Richard Merricks 

William Hardham 

Gideon Newland 

Edward Utterson 

Charles Hewitt Smith 

John Plaisto 

John Gage 

William Tireman 

George Murray 

Miles Rowe 

James Powell 

Gideon Murray 



APPENDIX, 



577 



APPENDIX. 



The CHARTERS of CHICHESTER. 



K. STEPHEN. 

£*• Rex Aug. Epo. Cicestri & ppositis Sal. P-cipio qd Burgenses 
mei ic Cicestr: ita bn & honorifice & qite hant eoru: Consuet &c 
rectitudines de Burgo & de gilda eoru: mercatoria sicuti eas 
raeli: $c honorabili: & quiete huert: tpe Willmi reg— Avi mei & 
Avuneulormeor: postea & tpe Rogi: Com: Et defend : sup: mea: 
forisfactura : ne Aliqs eis injuriam faciat. 

ApRading. T: EPO: WINT. 

IN ENGLISH. 

Stephen, king of England, to the bishop and magistrates of 
Chichester, greeting— I ordain that my burgesses of Chichester, 
so well, honourably and peaceably enjoy the customs and regula- 
tions of their borough, and their merchant-guild, as they did en- 
joy them in the best manner, honourably and peaceably, in the 

Q Q time 



* On examining an Inspeximus it appears that almost all the kings of 
England after the Conquest to the Revolution granted, or rather issued, 
letters of charter and confirmation to this, and the other boroughs of the 
kingdom. They studied to increase the importance and power of t'ne cor- 
porations, and the fines which each of them paid into the exchcquei, on 
ev«xy renewal, might induce them to issue them the oftenw 



57* 



time of king William, my grandfather, and of my uncles after- 
wards, and in the time of earl Roger. And I will' defend them 
from forfeiture, that no one shall do them any injury. 
At Reading. 

Witness—The BISHOP of WINCHESTER. 



K. HENRY IT. 

xi» Rex Angl: & Dux Norm: & Aqt: & Com: And: Justic : 
& Vic : & Ministris suis Totius Angl : Sal : Sciatis me Concessisse 
civib: meis de Cicestr: q st de gilda mercatoria Onis : libertates 
& libas : qsuetines suas infra Burgu : & Exta ut eas habeant; iiq : 
ita plene & libe & qete & honoriflce sic : plene & honorificenti hre 
solebant tpe Regis Henr : avi mei et nullus in Civitate Cicestr : 
vendat pannos p detaillum n : sit de gilda mercatoria;-— sit : ide : 
Rex H. p. Br : suum p-cepit: Qr: volo & firmit: p-cipio qd ipsi 
hant & teneant gilda sua : c: omnib : libertatib: & Consuetudinib: 
ad cam ptinentib : sit : meli solebat hre tpe Regis Henr: neqs eis 
sup: hoc forisfacere psumat. — T : Reg : Com: Corn: Henr: 
de Essex Con : Rauulfo de Broc, 
Apud Brugiax, 

IN ENGLISH. 

Henry, king of England, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, 
and earl of Anjou, to his sheriffs, and officers of all England—- 
greeting. Know ye that I have granted to my citizens of Chi- 
chester, who are of the merchant guild, that both within the 
borough and without, they have all their liberties and free customs, 
and enjoy them as fully, freely, peaceably and honourably, as 
they were used fully and honourably to enjoy them, in the time 
of king Henry my grandfather. And no person shall sell cloth 
\>y retail in the city of Chichester, unless he be of the merchants' 
guild, as the said king Henry ordained by his writ. Wherefore I 



57$ 

will, and firmly ordain, that they have and hold their guild, with 
every liberty and custom pertaining to the same, as they were 
used to have them in the best manner, in the time of king Henry, 
and that no one presume to make them forfeit on that account. 

Witness— REGINALD, earl of Cornwall. 
HENRY, constable of Essex. 

RALPH DE BROC. 
At Bruges. 

K. JAMES II. 

(grafted its the year i6S5.) 

JAMES the second, by the grace of God, king of England, 

Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to all 

unto whom our present lettfrs shall come— greeting. 

Whereas our city of Chichester, in the county of Sussex, is 
an antient and populous city. We therefore graciously desiring 
the bettering the said city, and willing that from henceforth for 
ever there may be one certain and undoubted way of and for keep- 
ing our peace in the said city continually, and for the good order 
and government of the said city, and our people inhabiting the 
same, and resorting thither, and that the said city, in all times to 
come, may be and remain a city of peace and quietness, to the 
fear and terror of the wicked, and encouragement of the good ; 
and that our peace, and other acts of justice and good govern- 
ment there, may be better kept and done ; and expecting that if 
the citizens of the same city, and their buccessors, shall by our 
royal grant* enjoy dignity, liberty, privilege, jurisdiction and 
franchise, then they may think themselves more particularly and 
strongly obliged to yield and perform to us, our heirs, and sue* 
censors, all the service they are able, of our special grace, certain 
knowledge, and meer motion, we have willed, ordained, granted, 
appointed, and declared, and by these presents for us, our heirs, and 
successors, do will, ordain, appoint, grant and declare that the said 
city ofChichester shall be and remain henceforward for ever, a free 

q q 2 city 



58o 

city of itself, and that the citizens of the said city henceforward for 
ever, may and shall be one body corporate and politick, in deed, 
fact, and name, by the name of the mayor, aldermen, and citizens 
of the city of Chichester. And we, for us, our heirs, and suc- 
cessors, do erect, make, and create them by these presents, into 
one body corporate and politick, really and fully, by the name of 
the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city of Chichester, and 
that they may have perpetual succession by the same name ; and 
that they by the name of the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of 
the city of Chichester, may, and shall be, in all times to come, 
fit persons, and capable in law, to have, purchase, receive, hold 
and possess lands, tenements, liberties, privileges, franchises, he. 
reditaments, goods, and chattels, of what sort, nature, or kind 
soever, for themselves, their heirs, and successors, in fee, and 
perpetuity, and also to give, grant, demise, and assign the same 
lands and tenements, hereditaments, goods, and chattels, and to 
do and execute all and singular other acts and deeds, by the name 
aforesaid. And that by the name of the mayor, aldermen, and 
citizens of the city of Chichester aforesaid, they may and can be 
able to plead and be impleaded, to answer and to be answered, 
to defend and to be defended, in any courts and places, and before 
any judges and justices, and other persons and officers of us, our 
heirs, and successors, in all and singular actions, suites, complaints, 
causes, and demands whatsoever, of what sort, nature, condition, 
or kind soever they be, in the same manner and form as other our 
liege people of this our kingdom of England, may or can be fit 
persons, and capable in law, or as any other body corporate, may 
liave, purchase, receive, possess, give, grant, and demise lands, 
tenements and hereditaments, also goods, and chattels; and that 
the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city aforesaid, may 
have for ever a common seal, to be kept for the demising, grant- 
ing, and acting, making and executing other matters and businesses, 
for them and their successors. And it shall and may be lawful for 
them, the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city aforesaid, and 
their successors, to break, change, and new make the said seal at 

their 



5 8i 



their will, from time to time, as it shall seem best to them to be 
done. And further, we will, and by these presents, for us, our 
heirs and successors do grant that there may and shall be in the 
said city, one- eminent man who shall be and be called the high 
steward of the said city ; and that from hence forward for ever, 
there may and shall be in the said city, one of the more honest 
and discreet citizens of the said city to be chosen in the manner 
hereafter expressed in these presents, who shall be and be called 
the mayor of the said city. And that likewise there shall and may 
be one honest and discreet citizen of the said city to be chosen in 
the manner hereafter expressed in these presents who shall be and 
be called bay lilVe of the said city, and that the mayor, aldermen, 
and citizens, nominated by these presents, of the common-council, 
and hereafter to be nominated, also the baylilfe, portreves, and 
customers, recordei and his deputy, and town-clerk of the said 
city, for the time being and their successors, shall be and bccalled 
a common-council of the said city, and shall be from time to time 
assisting to the mayor of the said city for the time being, in all 
causes and matters touching and concerning the city aforesaid. 
And further we will, and by these presents for us, our heirs, and 
successors do grant to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of 
the. city of Chichester aforesaid, and their successors, that the 
common-council of the said city for the time being, or the major 
part of them, may and shall have full power and authority to 
frame, constitute, ordain and make from time to time, such rea- 
sonable laws, statutes, ordinances and constitutions whatsoever, 
which to them or the major part of them, according to their sound 
discretions shall seem good and wholesome, useful, honest, and 
necessary for the good order and government of the citizens, arti- 
ficers, and inhabitants of the said city, for the time being, and for 
the declaring in what form and order, as well the said mayor, 
aldermen, bay. iff", portreves and customers of the said city, as all 
and singular the citizens, artificers, inhabitants and sojourners of 
the said city for the lime being, should behave, carry, and use 

themselves 



5 82 



themselves in their offices, ministries, and businesses in the sard 
city, and the precincts thereof, and otherwise for the further good 
and publick profit, government ard advantage of the said city, and 
for the victualling of the said city, and for the levying of money 
for the use of us, our heirs, and successors, or for the necessary 
use of the said city, and also for the better preserving, governing, 
disposing, leasing, and demising the lands, tenements, possessions, 
revenues, reversions, and hereditaments, given, granted, assigned, 
and confirmed to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the 
said city, or to their predecessors, by any other name of incorpo- 
ration, or to be given, granted, or assigned to the said mayor, 
aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and their successors, for 
the future, and for the accounts, things, and other causes, and 
matters whatsoever, of the said city, or touching, or any ways 
concerning the constitution, right and interest of the said city, and 
that the said common-council of the said city for the time being, or 
the major part thereof, so oft as they shall frame, make and esta- 
blish such laws, statutes, and ordinances, as is mentioned in the 
form aforesaid, may impose and assess such reasonable pains, 
penalties, punishments, imprisonments of the body, fines and 
amerciaments, or any of them, in or upon all offenders against the 
said laws, statutes, and ordinances, or either or all of them, as to 
the said common-council, or the major part of them, shall seem 
reasonable and requisite as above-mentioned, and fhe same fines 
and amerciaments they may and shall levy, by distress or any 
other legal way whatsoever, to the proper use and behoof of the 
mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and their successors, 
without any accounts, or any other thing, to be given thereof, to 
us, our heirs, and successors, and without the hindrance of us, our 
heirs, and successors, all and singular, which laws, statutes, and 
ordinances so to be made, as is before mentioned, we will hare 
observed under the penalties contained in the same, yet so that 
such laws, statutes, ordinances, imprisonments and amerciaments, 
be not repugnant or contrary to the laws, statutes, customs, or 

righ\s 



5^3 



rights of our kingdom of England. And further, we have assigned, 
constituted, nominated, and made, and by these presents do nomi- 
nate, constitute and make our most noble cousin Cliarles duke of 
Somerset to be the first and present lord high steward of the said 
city. And further, we have assigned, constituted, nominated and 
made, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, do 
assign, constitute, nominate and make our beloved Robert Tayer, 
now mayor of the said city, to be the first and modern mayor of 
the said city, willing that the said Robert shall be and continue in 
the said office of mayor of the said city, from the making of these 
presents unto the Monday before the feast of saint Michael the 
archangel, next ensuing, and from that day till some other be 
chosen, preferred and sworn to the said office, according to the 
orders and constitutions in these presents hereafter expressed and 
dcelared, if the said Robert Tayer shall so long live. We have 
also assigned, constituted and made, and by these presents, for us, 
our heirs and successors do assign, nominate, constitute and roak« 
our beloved John Cloudsley, now bayliff of the said city, to be the 
first and modern bayliff of the said city, to continue in the said 
office till the said Monday before the feast of saint Michael the 
archangel, next ensuing, and from that day till some other be 
chosen, preferred and sworn to the said office, according to the 
ordinances, and constitutions in these presents expressed and de- 
clared, if the said John Cloudsley shall so long live. And further 
we will, and by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, 
do grant unto the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city afore- 
said, that the common-council of the said city, or the majcr part 
thereof, from time to time, in all times to come, shall and may 
have power and authority yearly and every }ear, upon Monday 
before the feast of saint Michael the archangol, to assemble them- 
selves, or the major part of them, in the guildhall of the said city, 
or in any other convenient place within the said city-, to be limited 
and assigned according to their discretions, and tl. tinye 

till they, or the major part of them then assembled, shall v | 

and 



5*4. 

and nominate one of the citizens of the said city, to be mayor, 
and another of the said citizens to be bayliff of the said city, for 
the year next ensuing, and that they after they shall be so (as is 
mentioned) elected and nominated mayor and baylitf of the said 
city respectively, before they are admitted, to execute the said 
several offices, shall take their corporal oaths upon the holy gospel 
of God yearly, upon the said Monday before the feast of saint 
Michael the archangel, before the last mayor his predecessor (who 
for the time shall be) according to the antient custom of the said 
city, well and faithfully to execute the said offices respectively in 
all things relating to the said offices, and after the said oaths so 
taken, the said offices of mayor and bayliff of the said city, till 
the said Monday before the feast of saint M ichael the archangel, 
next ensuing, shall respectively hold, and further from thence 
ought, may and can execute the same respectively till two others, 
to the said several offices of ma} r or and baylitf of the city aforesaid, 
in due manner, by the said common-council, as is before men- 
tioned, .shal I be chosen, preferred, and sworn. And fulther, we 
will, and by these presents, for us, or heirs and successors, do 
grant to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, 
and their successors, that if it shall happen that the mayor and 
baylitf of the said city, or either of them, should die at any time 
hereafter, within one year after they shall be appointed and sworn, 
as is before mentioned, to the offices of mayor and bayliff of the 
said city, that then and so often it shall and may be lawful for the 
common-council of the said city for the time being, or the major 
part of them, in convenient time, after the death of the said 
mr .yor and bayliff, or either of them to assemble in the guildhall 
of the said city, or in any other place convenient in the said city, 
and forthwith to choose, nominate and appoint another good and 
fit man, or other good and fit men in the place or places of such 
mayor or bayliff so dead respectively, and that they or either of 
them being so chosen or appointed, as is aforesaid, their corporal 
oaths being first to be takcD, according to the antient custom of 

the 



5§5 

the said city, shall have and exercise the said offices, or either of 
tkem, shall have and exercise the said office during the residue of 
the same year, namely until Monday before the feast of saint 
Michael the archangel, next ensuing, and from thence till some 
others are chosen and sworn to the said office or offices, and so as 
often as the same case shall happen. And further, we will, and 
by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, do grant to 
the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and their 
successors, that they and their successors, shall have for ever one 
good and discreet man, learned in the laws of this our realm of 
England, to be chosen and nominated by the common-council of 
the said city, or the major part of them, from time to time, here- 
after, who shall be and be called recorder of the said city, to con- 
tinue in the said office of recorder so long as he behaves himself 
well in the same— which recorder so to be chosen and nominated 
by the common-council of the said city, or the major part thereof, 
shall make and take his corporal oath before the mayor for the 
time being, faithfully to execute the said office, before he be ad- 
mitted to the said office of recorder. And further — idem — that 
they and their successors shall and may have one good and discreet 
man, to be chosen and nominated from time to time hereafter by 
the said common-council, or the major part of them, who shall 
be and be called the common-clerk, or town-clerk of the said city, 
to continue the said office of common-clerk as long as he shall 
behave himself well in the same— which common-clerk, as is 
mentioned to be nominated and chosen, shall take and make his 
corporal oath before the mayor for the time being, well and faith- 
fully to execute the said office before he shall be admitted to the 
said office of town-clerk. We will also — idem— that the mayor 
of the said city for the time being, shall and may have power, 
ability and authority to nominate, choose, and swear from time 
to time, fit men to the several offices of portreeve and customer 
of the said city, in the same manner and form as hath been here- 
tofore accustomed in the said city. We have granted moreover, 
r r and 



586 

and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, da grant 
to the mayor, aldermen and citizens of the said city, and their 
successors, that the mayor, recorder, and deputy-recorder of the 
said city, and their successors, during the time they shall happen 
to continue in the said offices respectively, and also one alderman 
of the said city for the time being, who was the last mayor of the 
said city, and three others of the more honest, circumspect and 
skilful, or the senior aldermer. of the said city for the time being, 
yearly and every year, upon Monday next before the feast of saint 
Michael the archangel, may and shall be nominated and chosen 
by the common-council of the said city for the time being, or by 
the major part thereof, our justices, and every of them, shall and 
may be our justices, and of our heirs and successors, as well to 
keep the peace in the said city, and the liberties and precincts 
thereof, as to do and execute all and singular the things in any 
manner touching or concerning the office of a justice of the peace. 
"Which mayor and three aldermen shall severally make and take 
their oath before the last mayor for the time being, well and faith- 
fully to execute the office of justice of the peace, before they or 
any of them shall execute the said office within the said city or 
liberties thereof. And moreover we will, and by these presents, 
for us, our heirs and successors, do grant that the said mayor, 
recorder and deputy-recorder, and four aldermen of the said city, 
or any three of them, whereof the mayor and recorder, or his 
deputy, or the alderman who was last mayor of the said city for 
the time being, we will have to be two, shall or may have for ever 
full power and authority to enquire, hear and determine in the 
said city, and the liberties and precincts thereof, as well in our 
presence, and of our heirs and successors, as absence, all and all 
manner of murthers, felonies, misprisions, riots, routs, oppressions, 
extortions, fores tailings, regratmgs, trespasses, offences, and all 
other things whatsoever within the said city, the liberties and pre- 
cincts thereof, from time to time, arising or happenning, which 
any ways belong to, or are incumbent on, or which hereafter may 

happen 



587 



happen to belong to, or be incumbent on the office of a justice of 
peace, or which any way ought or may be enquired into, heard, 
and determined before the justice of the peace, together with due 
correction and punishment thereof, and to do and execute all 
other things within the said city and the liberties thereof, as fully 
and perfectly, and in as ample manner and form as the justices of 
our peace, and of our heirs and successors, in the county of Sussex, 
or elsewhere within our kingdom of England, by virtue of any 
commission, act of parliament, statute, law or custom, or any 
other lawful ways whatsoever heretofore have had or exercised, 
and heieafter may or can have and exercise, and in as ample 
manner and form as if the same in these letters patents had been 
specially, and by particular words expressed, contained, and re- 
cited. And that the justices of our peace, our heirs and suc- 
cessors, in the county of Sussex aforesaid, or any of them, do not 
any ways hereafter intermeddle in the city of Chichester, the 
liberties or precincts thereof, nor have or exercise any jurisdiction 
in any causes, things, or matters whatsoever, any way belonging 
to or incumbent on the justices of the peace within the city afore- 
said, the liberties and precincts thereof, or which hereafter may 
belong to, or be incumbent on them, from any cause, or in any 
time arising and happening without our special command or com- 
mission, our heirs and successors, in that part to be obtained. 
And that the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city afore- 
said, and their successors, may have, hold, and receive all and 
singular the fines and amerciaments to be assessed, perfected, 
judged, proceeding, happening, or arising before the said justices 
of the peace in the said city, before any or either of them, for 
ever hereafter. And that it shall and may be lawful for 
the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and 
their successors, from time to time, as often as there shall be need 
to collect and levy such fines, issues, and amerciaments, adjudged 
or to be adjudged, or assessed, by the steward or other officers of 
the said city, who now arc, or for the time shall be, to the use 
rr2 of 



88 



of the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the said city, and 
their successors, as the sheriff and officers or ministers of us, our 
heirs and successors, may, could, or ought to receive and levy 
the same, for the use of us, our heirs and successors, if they had 
not been granted to the mayor, aldermen, and citizens, and their 
successors, without any account or other thing to be given, made 
or paid therefore to us, our heirs, and successors. And further, 
idem, that every mayor of the city of Chichester for the time 
being, shall be our escheator, and of our heirs and successors, 
within the said city and precincts thereof, during the whole time 
he shall be and continue in the said office of mayor of the said 
city. And the said escheator, and his successors, may have full 
power and authority to do and execute all and singular the things 
in the city aforesaid, which belong to the office of our escheator, 
our heirs and successors, in any county in our kingdom of Eng- 
land, to be done or executed, he having first taken the oath before 
the last mayor for the time being, well and faithfully to execute 
and perform the said office of escheator in all things ; and that no 
other escheator, for us, our heirs, and successors, do any way 
intermeddle in the city of Chichester aforesaid, or in the liberties 
or precincts thereof. We have also assigned, nominated, ap- 
pointed and made, and by these presents, for us, our heirs, and 
successors, do assign, nominate, constitute, and make ourbeloved 
sir Richard May, knight, and one of the barons of our exchequer 
at Westminster, to be the first and modern recorder of the said 
city, to continue in the said office as long as he shall well behave 
himself in the same, taking first his corporal oath before Robert 
Tayer, or Stephen Penfold, or either of them, upon the holy gos- 
pel, well and truly to execute the said office of recorder and 
justice of the peace of the said city, to which Robert Tayer or 
Stephen Penfold, or either of them, we give and grant by these 
presents, full power and authority to administer the said oath to 
the said sir Richard May, without any other warrant or commis- 
sion in that part to be procured and obtained of us ? our heirs and 

successors, 



5^9 

successors. We will also, and by these presents, for us, our heirs 
and successors, declare it to be our royal intention that it shall 
and may be lawful, as well for the said sir Richard May, as for 
all succeeding recorders of the said city, to appoint another man 
learned in the laws of England, deputy-recorder, to continue in 
the said oliice during the pleasure of the common-council of the 
said city, or the major part of them, having first taken his cor- 
poral oath before the mayor of the city for the time being, well 
and faithfully to execute the office of recorder and justice of the 
peace in the said city, in all things, and so often as the case shall 
so happen. We have also assigned, constituted, nominated, and 
made, and by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, 
do assign, nominate, constitute, and make our beloved Thomas 
Bury, Thomas Miller, Stephen Penfold, Richard Braman, Robert 
Baker, William Jennings, William Costellow, Henry Peckham, 
and Robert Thornden, to be our citizens and aide* men of the said 
city, to continue in the said offices so long as they severally be- 
have themselves well in the same. We have also assigned, nomi- 
nated, constituted, and made our entirely beloved cousin Charles 
duke of Somerset, and our well beloved and right trusty cousin 
Charles earl of Dorset and Middlesex, and Edward earl of Gains- 
borough, and also our beloved and trusty subject sir Christopher 
Conyer, baronet, Henry Goring, baronet, sir John Stapely, knight 
and baronet, sir William Morley, knight of the bath, the said sir 
Richard May, John Farrington, knight, Henry Goring, esquire, 
John Lewkner, esquire, John Alford, esquire, Thomas May, 
esquire, Thomas Gunter, esquire, John Apsley, esquire, John 
Peckham, esquiie, John Lawrance, esquire, the said Robert 
Tayer, William Browne, esquire, William Morley, esquire, Robert 
Tayer, junior, William Rowse, gentleman, Lambard Barnett, 
John Williams, Richard Manning, John Cloudesley, James Lane, 
John Wheeler, William Peckham, enquire, Thomas Brickley, 
esquire, Pwobert Edmonds, George Gunter, esquire, Henry Brick- 
Jey, gentleman, Freeman Howse, esquire, Francis Goater, John 

Harris, 



59° 

Harris, William Shipscay, Thomas Parker, John Page, William 
Booker, the present portreeves, and William Floid present cus- 
tomer, to be the citizens of the said city, and shall be of the 
common-council of the said city, and may and shall be aiding 
and assisting to the mayor of the said city, for the time being. 
We will nevertheless, that as well they as the aforesaid aldermen 
and bayliff of the said city before-mentioned, and every of them, 
shall first take their corporal oaths before Robert Tayer or sir 
Richard May, or either of them, well and faithfully to execute 
the said offices respectively. To which Robert Tayer, or sir 
Richard May, or either of them, we give and grant, by these 
presents, full power and authoiity to give and administer the said 
oath. We have also assigned— &c.— the said Thomas Miller, 
Stephen Penfold, Richard Braman, and William Jennings, to be 
the justices of the peace in the said city, to continue the said office 
till Monday next before the feast of saint Michael the archangel, 
and from thence till others are chosen, preferred and sworn to the 
said office, they having first taken their corporal oaths before 
Robert Tayer or sir Richard May, or either of them, well and 
perfectly to execute the said office in the said city; to whom the 
said Robert Tayer and sir Richard May, we do hereby give and 
grant by these presents, full power and authority to administer 
such oath to the said Thomas Miller, Stephen Penfold, Richard 
Braman, and William Jennings. We have also assigned — &c— -- 
our beloved John Williams and William Rowse, gentlemen, to be 
our coroners of the said city, to continue the said office during 
the pleasure of the common-council of the said city, or the major 
part of them, to do and execute all things which belong to the 
office of coroner, within the said city and precincts thereof, they 
or either of them, first taking their oaths, as before, &c. We 
have also assigned — &c, — -the said William Rowse to be the com. 
mon-clerk and clerk of the recognizances of the said city, to do 
and execute all things which belong to the several offices of com- 
mon clerk fcad clerk of the recognizances, tie 'first taking the oath 

as 



59 1 



as aforesaid. We will also that the said Robert Tayer, by these 
presents, mayor of the city aforesaid, before he be admitted to the 
execution of the several offices of mayor, justice of the peace, 
escheator, and clerk of the market, within the said city, shall first 
take his oath upon the holy gospel, before sir Richard May or 
Stephen Penfold, or either of them, well and faithfully to execute 
the said offices— to whom we have given power — as before. - 
Provided always, and by these presents, we, for us, our heirs 
and successors, do reserve full power and authority from time to 
time, and at all times hereafter, at the will and pleasuse of us, 
our heirs and successors, by any order of ours, our heirs and suc- 
cessors, made in privy council, and under the seals of privy coun- 
cil, to remove, and to declare to be removed, the mayor, high 
steward, recorder, deputy recorder, coroner, town- clerk, clerk 
of the recognizances, bayliff, or any of the justices, aldermen, 
common-council, portreeves, and customers of the city aforesaid, 
for the time being, to them signified respectively, and as often as 
we, our heirs, and successors, by any such order made in privy 
council, do or shall declare such mayor, high-steward, &c. or 
any of them, to be removed from their respective offices, are and 
shall be ipso facto, to all intents and purposes whatsoever, and 
really without any farther process, removed, and this so often as 
it shall so happen, any thing to the contrary herein contained not- 
withstanding, and then, and in such case, from time to time, as 
often as the case shall so happen incontinent, after such remove, 
or removes, another fit person, or other lit persons, shall be 
chosen and constituted into the place and office, or into the re- 
spective places and offices, of such person or persons, so removed 
or to be removed, as before time has been accusiomed in the said 
city, according to the tenor of these our letters patents.— And 
further, of our more special grace, certain knowledge, and mere 
motion, we will, and by these presents, do grant, for us, our 
heirs and successors, as much as in us lies, to the said mayor, 
aldermen, and citizens of the said city of Chichester, and their 

successors, 



59 2 



successors, that they hereafter for ever, may have and hold, in 
the name of us, our heirs and successors, a court of record in the 
guildhall of the said city of Chichester aforesaid, every Monday 
in every week, before the mayor of the said city, or his deputy 
for the time being, of all and all manner of pleas, plaints and 
actions, as well real as personal, and mixt, and of all debts, ac- 
counts, trespasses, agreements, contracts, detainers, and con- 
tempts, arising, happening, or to be prosecuted within the said 
city of Chichester, and jurisdiction thereof — and the same pleas, 
plaints, and actions, they may hear and determine and give judge- 
ment thereupon, and make out execution thereof for ever, in the 
same manner and form, and by the same, and by such like ways 
and process, by which, and as heretofore they have used in our 
said city ; and that all juries, pannels, inquisitions, attachments, 
precepts, orders, warrants, judgments, process, and other things, 
necessary to be done by them, touching and concerning the causes 
aforesaid, to be done and executed by the sergeant at mace, to 
be deputed and appointed by the mayor of the city for the time 
being, as the law requires and as heretofore hath been used in the 
said city. And that the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the 
said city, and their successors, shall and may have the use and 
benefit of the said city, and all manner of fines and amerciaments, 
and other profits, of and in the said court, arising, happening, 
and befalling, by reason or pretence of the said court. We have 
granted moreover — &c. — the court leet, law days, and view of 
frank pledge of all and singular the inhabitants and residents within 
the said city of Chichester, the limits, liberties, jurisdictions and 
precincts of the same, and all things belonging to the court leet 
and law-days, and view of lrank pledge, to be held on the usual 
days, every year. And further, of our greater grace, we will for 
us, our heirs and successors, and by these presents do grant to 
the aforesaid mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the city of Chi- 
chester, and their successors, that hereafter for ever, they may 
have and hold three markets in every week, in the said city of 

Chichester, 



593 

Chichester, to wit, one on every Wednesday, and another on every 
Friday, and another on every Saturday, to be held for ever— also 
one fair, to be held there yearly, upon the feast of saint George 
the martyr, and to continue and endure for two days then imme- 
diately following — together with a court of pie-powder, with all 
liberties and free customs belonging to the said markets and fair. 
We have granted moreover, and by these presents do grant of our 
special grace, certain knowledge, and mere motion, for us, our 
heirs and successors, to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens of 
the said city of Chichester, and their successors, that they, and 
their successors, for ever, may have goods and chattels of felons, 
fugitives, and out-laws, tenants, residents, and inhabitants, within 
the city aforesaid, the liberties and precincts thereof, together 
with chattels called waifes ; so that if any one original tenant or 
resident inhabitant, ought to lose life and limb for his offence, 
or hath fled, refused to stand to judgment, or whatsoever fault 
he hath committed, by which his goods ought to be forfeited, or 
wheresoever justice ought to be done for the same within the court 
of us, or our heirs and successors, or in any other court, his goods 
and chattels then being within the said city and precincts thereof, 
shall be to the mayor, aldermen, and citizens and their successors, 
and that it may be lawful for them or their officers, without the 
let of us, our heirs and successors, sheriffs, bayliff, or other 
officers of us, or heirs and successors, to take possession of the 
said goods and chattels, and to have and keep them to the use of 
the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens, and their successors.*— 
And further, we will and grant that they, and their successors, 
may ha e, for the better support of our said city, for ever, all 
fines, trespasses, and other offences whatsoever, and all post-fines 
and amerciament, redemptions and issues heretofore forfeited, or 
hereafter tj be forfeited, from any man or inhabitant of the city 
aforesaid, aud residing in the same, in any of our courts, our 
heirs and successors, as well before us, our heirs and successors, 
in our chancery, also before the treasurers and barons of us, our 

s 9 heirs* 



59i 



heirs and successors of our exchequer, before the justices of the 
bench of us, our heirs, and successors, or before the steward, 
marshall, and clerk of the market, of our household, our heirs 
and successors, which for the time shall be, and other the courts 
of us, our heirs and successors, as well as before the justices of 
assize, at all pleas, and pleas of the forest, and all other our 
justices and ministers whatsoever, and of our heirs and successors, 
as well in the presence as the absence of us, our heirs and suc- 
cessors, as often as men, tenants, and inhabitants, happen to 
make such tines and forfeits, and incur the amerciaments and 
issues, which may belong to us, our heirs and successors, if they 
had not been granted to the said mayor, aldermen and citizens ; 
so that they, either by themselves, or by the bayliff or ministers, 
may levy, receive, and have such fines, amerciaments, redemp- 
tions, post-fines, issues, and forfeitures of the tenants and inhabi- 
tants, without the hindrance or action of us, our heirs and suc- 
cessors, our justices, escheators, sheriffs, coroners, or other 
bayliffs or ministers whatsoever, of us, our heirs, and successors. 
And also we will, that for the future, they shall and may have 
the return of writs and precepts, of us, our heirs and successors, 
and execution of the same, and summons out of the exchequer, 
within the city and liberties thereof, of all things, or any ways 
arising within the said city or liberties thereof, so that no sheriff, 
bayliff, or minister whatsoever of us, our heirs and successors, 
enter into the said city or the liberties thereof, to execute the said 
writs ot summons and attachments, concerning pleas of the crown 
or others as aforesaid, or to do or execute any office there unless 
in full and true default of them, the mayor, aldermen and citizens, 
and their successors. ' We will, notwithstanding, and we declare 
and signify our royal will and pleasure, and by these presents, 
for us, our heirs and successors, we enjoin, command, and for- 
bid the mayor, aldermen and citizens, and their successors, that 
no common vintner, inn-keeper, ale-seller, or baker, in the city 
aforesaid, or the liberties thereof, or any person exercising the 

aforesaid 



595 



aforesaid trades, or either of them, there, at any time hereaftar 
be chosen or admitted to the office of mayor or justice of the peace 
of the said city — but as to holding and executing the said offices 
of mayor and justice of peace, he is and shall be disabled and in- 
capable unless such person fully and wholly leave his said trade 
respectively, before he shall be admitted to execute the said office 
of mayor and justice of peace, and do no way for the future 
directly or indirectly, intermeddle with or exercise the said trade 
any thing in these presents to the contrary notwithstanding. And 
we will that they and all the inhabitants of our said city, shall be 
quiet, and discharged from all suits belonging to the county, and 
of the hundred or sheriff, and that they for the future shall be quiet 
and discharged from tolls, lastage, passage, pontage, picage, scul- 
lage, pannage, murrage, or chimage, and other like customs and 
usages whatsoever, through all our kingdom of England, as the 
citizens and inhabitants of the said city, or liberties or precincts, 
have wont and been used to have been eased and discharged.— 
We have granted moreover, that none of them, or any inhabitants 
or residents within the said city, or liberties, or precincts thereof, 
be put or impanneled with foreigners or foreigner with them, in 
any juries, at the assizes, or any inquests taken which arise by 
reason of lands and tenements in the said city and liberties thereof, 
but that the juries of the said assizes and inquests, be made and 
taken only of the said citizens and others of the said city, unless 
the matter concern us, our heirs, and successors. And more- 
over, of our greater grace, and certain knowledge, and mere 
motion, we grant and ordain — &c. — that every mayor of the city 
of Chichester, for the time being, be clerk of the market, that he 
have, hold, and occupy the office of clerk of the market within 
the said city and the liberties and precincts thereof, together with 
all and singular the things any ways belonging to the said office. 
And that every mayor of the said city for the time being, may 
and do execute all things which belong to or are incumbent on 
the office of clerk of the market in the said city and liberties 

s s 2 thereof, 



59 6 

thereof,, first taking oath before the last mayor, his predecessor, 
well and faithfully to execute the said office without the trouble 
or hindrance of us, our heirs and successors, or any other ministers 
or officers whatsoever. We have granted also — &c. — that for ever 
hereafter they shall or may make and have within the said city 
and liberties thereof, assize and assay of bread, wine, ale, and 
other victuals, also of measures and weights whatsoever — that 
they and their successors, for the better keeping of the assize in 
the said city and liberties thereof, may and shall take such punish- 
ments of bakers, and such as break the assize (namely, to draw 
such bakers and such as b^eak the assize, upon tumblers, through 
the streets of the said city, and punish them in any other way) as 
and in like manner as is used in the city of London upon bakers 
and such other offenders. And moreover we will — &c. — that the 
steward, marshal, clerk of the market of our housheld, our heirs 
and successors, henceforth do not sit within the liberties of the 
said city, nor exercise their offices there, nor do any thing within 
the said liberties which belong to their offices-, nor any way draw 
any citizens or inhabitants of the said city, r o r r any person residing 
in the liberty thereof, to plead out of the liberty df the said city 
lor any matters arising or to arise within the said city. And 
further, out of our greater grace, certain knowledge, and meer 
motion* we will, and by these presents, for us, our heirs and suc- 
cessors, "do grant to the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens, and 
their successors, that from henceforth for ever, the mayor of the 
city, for the time being, shall and may have power and authority 
to take all manner of recognizances of debts and executions to be 
made thereupon, to do, execute* and exercise ail things which 
belong to the recognizances of debts, according to the form of the 
statute of merchants of Acton Burnett, lately made. And that 
from henceforth for ever, there shall and may be a clerk in the 
said city to serve for such recognizances or statutes there, accord- 
ing to the form of the said statute of Acton Burnett. And the 
said clerk shall be from time to time chosen, assigned and nomi- 
nated 



597 



nated by the common-council of the said city for the time being, 
or the major part of them — and he may have, hold, and exercise 
the said office after he hath been sworn before the mayor for the 
time being, so long as he shall behave himself well in the same, 
and that the mayor have the seal serving the said office. We 
have granted— &c. — that all and every the coroners, constables, 
chamberlains, and all other officers of the said city, hereafter to 
be chosen, shall be for the future chosen at the same time and in 
the same manner and form as lately they, or either of them, have 
been wont to be chosen, created and made; so that if any coroner, 
or other officer of the said city, after he or they have been chosen, 
shall die within a year after his or their election, or shall be re- 
moved for any cause from the said office, then the mayor for the 
same time being, within twenty days after the remove or death of 
any such officer next following, may choose as hath been usually 
one other, two, or more of the citizens of the said city, in the 
place of him or them so dead or removed, as often as need shall 
require, without any leave from us, our heirs and successors, first 
had or obtained — and that he so elected and preferred, shall have 
and exercise the said office, during the residue of the said year 
he first taking his corporal oath for the good and faithfully exe- 
cuting the said office in the form aforesaid. And further, of the 
same our grace, and for the consideration aforesaid, we have 
granted and given leave, and by ihese presents, for us, our heirs, 
and successors, as much as in us lies, do grant and give leave to 
all our subjects and liege people, and to every body corporate 
and politick, that they, or any of them, may or can give, grant, 
sell, alienate, or bequeath to the said mayor, aldermen, and 
citizens of the said city, and their successors, for ever, lawfully 
and without blame, all messuages, lands, tenements, reversions, 
services, or other possessions or hereditaments whatsoever. And 
we grant also special licence by these presents, to the said mayor, 
aldermen, and citizens, and their successors, that they may and 
shall lawfully and without blame, hereafter have, receive, and 

obtain, 



59§ 

obtain for tliem and their successors for ever, such messuages, 
lands, tenements, revenues, reversions, services and hereditaments 
of all our subjects and liege people, and of every body corporate 
and politick whatsoever, or any of them, and that without any 
writ of ad quod damnum or any other writ whatsoever, to be had, 
obtained or prosecuted for the same, from us, our heirs and 
successors. Also we have granted in like manner and given 
licence, and by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, 
do grant ancUgive licence, as much as in us lies, to all our sub- 
jects and liege people, and to every body corporate and politick, 
that they or any of them, may lawfully give, grant, sell, alienate, 
bequeath, or legace any messuages, lands, tenements, revenues, 
reversions or hereditaments whatsoever, without the said city of 
Chichester, wheresoever it shall be in our kingdom of England, 
to the yearly value of two hundred marks to the mayor, aldermen, 
and citizens of the said city, and their successors for ever. And 
we do in like manner grant and give special licence to the said 
mayor, aldermen, and citizens, and their successors, that they 
shall and may lawfully without blame hereafter, receive and take 
such messuages, lands, reversions, services and hereditaments 
whatsoever, of all our subjects and liege people, and of any body 
corporate or politick, or any of them, and that without any writ 
ad quod damnum, or any other writ or warrant whatsoever to be 
had, obtained, or sued out of the same, any way for us, our 
heirs and successors, notwithstanding the statute of Mortmain, or 
any other act, statute, ordinance, law, provision, prohibition, or 
restriction, heretofore had, made, ordained, and provided, or 
any other matter, cause or thing, to the contrary hereof notwith- 
standing. And further, of our greater grace, certain knowledge, 
and meer motion, we will, and by these presents, for us, our 
heirs a »d successors, do give and grant, restore and confirm to 
the said mayor, aldermen, and citizens, and their successors, 
such and so many of the manors, messuages, lands, merchants' 
guilds, and. all other guilds, ports of Undering and Horcmouth, 

all 



599 

all and singular fares, tolls, petty-customs, anchorage, keglidge, 
measurage, customs, liberties, privileges, franchises, immunities, 
exemptions, quittances, rights, profits, powers, jurisdictions, as 
well by land as by sea, goods, chattels, debts, credit, as well real 
as persona], advantages, emoluments and hereditaments whatso- 
ever, which the citizens of the said city, or the late mayor, alder- 
men and citizens of the said city, or the mayor, orbayliffand com- 
munity of the said city, or any or either of them, by what name 
or names soever, or by what incorporation or pretence of any 
corporation whatsoever, which they heretofore had, held, used, 
and enjoyed, or ought to have had, used and enjoyed, by reason 
or pretence of any charters, grants or letters patents, by us, or 
our lord James the rirst, late king of England, or any of our 
progenitors, late kings, and queens of this our kingdom of Eng- 
land, any way heretofore made, confirmed, and granted, or by 
any other lawful way, usage, prescriptions, or title, in as ample 
manner and form as if in these presents they had been par- 
ticularly, and severally specified, and expressed, any statute, 
ordinance, or restriction, to the contrary hereof, in any way 
notwithstanding, yet nevertheless under the limitations and re- 
strictions aforesaid, and the rents and services to us therefore 
due and payable. We will moreover, and by these presents, for 
us, our heirs and successors, do grant to the said mayor, alder- 
men and citizens, and their successors, that this our present 
charter, so generally made to them, shall and may be, in all and 
every thing of the same force and effect as if all and every the 
aforementioned things were more specially, legally, and particu- 
expressed and specified in our said charter, and that it be 
understood, judged and determined, to the greater favour and 
benefit of the said mayor, aldermen and citizens, and their suc- 
cessors, against us, our heirs and successors, as it may be best 
known and understood, notwithstanding any omission, contradic- 
tion, contrariety, defect, or other matter or cause whatsoever. 
And also of our greater grace, certain knowledge, and meer mo- 
tion, 



6oo 



tion, we have pardoned, remised, released, and quit claimed, 
and by these presents, for us, our heirs, and successors, we do 
pardon, remise, release, and quit-claim to the aforesaid mayor, 
aldermen and citizens, and the late mayor, aldermen and citizens, 
and their predecessors, all and all manner of actions and suits 
whatsoever, of quo warrantoes, also all and singular other non- 
uses, abuses, forfeitures, usurpations, intrusions, and unjust claims 
whatsoever, of liberties, franchises, jurisdictions, lands, tenements 
and hereditements whatsoever, done, made, proclaimed, used, 
had, or committed by the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of the 
said city, or by any other name or names, or by any other in- 
corporation, or pretence of any corporation whatsoever, before 
the date of these p resents — and of all and all manner of fines, 
amerciaments, mulcts, and other forfeitures by reason of such 
usurpation, intrusions, non-use, abuse, or unjust claim, and that 
they and every of them, may and shall be from that quit and 
discharged by us, our heirs, and successors for ever, not willing 
that they or either of them, by reason of the premisses, should be 
molested or vexed in any thing, by us, our heirs or successors, or 
justices, sheriffs, or ministers whatsoever. Provided always, and 
we declare our royal will and pleasure, that the mayor, aldermen, 
justices, officers, ministers, and citizens of the said city, and their 
successors, shall noway have and exercise any authority or juris- 
diction within the cathedral-church of the Holy Trinity of Chi- 
chester, nor within the Close of the said church, but that the 
said church be in all things free, as well in their persons as houses 
and lands, within the Close aforesaid, from the authority and 
jurisdiction of the said city, to God's glory and service, although 
that express mention be no ways made in these presents, of the 
„ true yearly value or the certainty of the premises, or any of them, 
or of any other gifts and grants by us or any of our progenitors 
or predecessors, heretofore made to the mayor, aldermen and 
citizens of the said city, or any other" statute, act, or ordinance, 
proclamation, provision or restriction heretofore made, had, used, 

ordained, 



6oi 



ordained, and provided, or any other cause, matter, or thing 
whatsoever, in any ways notwithstanding. In testimony whereof 
we have caused these our letters to be made patents— Witness 
ourselves at Westminster, the twenty seventh day of March, in 
the first year of our reign. By writ from the privy-seal for fine 
in the Hanaper-office, 31. 6s. 8d. 

PIGGOTT and GUILFORD, 



The following Particulars having been overlooked in 

the proper place, that they may not be omitted 

entirely, are inserted here, 

IN the Doomsday- book we are informed that <he antient 
annual rental of Chichester was 151. — 101. to the king, and 51. to 
the earl. " At the present time (says the record) the estimate is 
251. and the produce 351."— and we may fairly conclude that 
they did not let it under that sum. What part thereof went to the 
earl is not said : but whatever it was, it wa.> forfeited to the king 
(Henry I.) by Robert de Belesme, the last earl of Chichester, of 
the Montgomery family. From the eleventh to the sixteenth year 
(inclusive) of Henry III. the city was in the hands of the king's 
brother, Richard earl of Cornwal : at which time, or soon after, 
it was restored to John Fitz-Alan, earl of Arundel, together with 
his other honours and estates. What time the fee-ferm, or rent, 
was demised or granted to the citizens is not certainly known : it 
is very probable that it was in the reign of king John ; for early 
in that of his successor, Henry III. we find that Chichester paid 
annually 3Sl. 10s. by half-yearly payments, to the sheriff, Herbert 
fili : WaJteri.* It continued in the hands of the citizens during 

T t the 

• Mag. Rot. 15. Hen. Ill, titulo Sudsex, 



6 02 



the reigns of Edward III. Richard II. Henry IV. Henry VI. and 
other succeeding kings, a little reduced, namely at 361. per ann, 
(Madox Firm: Burg: p. 13, and var : loc) 

By a careful examination of the boroughs in England in the 
Doomsday-book, it appears that the average rent of a house at 
that time, in the southern division, was not more than ten pence 
a year. If we suppose that those in Chichester let, one with 
another, at a shilling a year — that twenty shillings made a pound, 
and that the number of all of them wa$ four hundred; on deduct- 
ing the manor houses {126, which have no right to be reckoned 
in that account) the remainder will be 274, and the produce only 
13!. 14. (at the highest calculation), leaving a deficiency of 24L 
l6s. of the rental at which the city was valued. There can be 
no doubt but the harbour, ports, and customs of the place, were 
included in the valuation : whether these were equal to that sum, 
I take not upon me to determine ; but find nothing else that can 
be brought forward to enable us to solve the difficulty. 

In the twenty-second and twenty-third of Charles II. an 
act of parliament was passed for vesting the fee-ferm of this and 
other boroughs mentioned therein, in the hands of trustees, for 
the sale of the same. 

A few years ago (not more than six or seven) the corpora- 
tion bought of lord Feversham the fee-ferm of 31. 19s. Of per 
annum, for 1101. nearly at twenty-eight years purchase. The 
whob is now bought up, except the small sum of 21. 13s. 7d. a 
year which they pay to Mrs. Tempest. 



In the year 13<)4 (eighteenth of king Richard II.) John 
Felix, bailiff of Chichester, was amerced 13s. 4d. for not attend- 
ing at the sessions of the peace to do his office. For the recovery 
of which fine, a summons was issued from the exchequer to the 
sheriff, Nicholas Slyfeld : on the return of which the said sheriff, 
declared upon his oath that John Felix had no lands or tenements 

whereon 



6o3 



rvhercon the debt might be levied. On which the barons, con- 
fiidering that as the said John Felix himself was insolvent, and the 
king ought not to lose his due, the inhabitants (incolae) of Chi- 
chester, who had chosen the said John into that office, ought to 
pay the fine aforesaid : whereupon they awarded a writ of scire 
facias to warn the citizens (cives) of Chichester to appear at the 
-exchequer to shew cause why, &c — Upon this writ the sheriff 
(Edwardus Seint Johannes) returned that he had warned John 
Castell and Thomas Pacchyng to appear before the court of ex- 
chequer to propose and do as the said writ required. They, the 
said John and Thomas did not appear— whereupon the court gave 
judgment — " That the said John Castell and Thomas Pacchyng, 
be charged to the king with the said debt." See Madox de firm. 
Burgi p. 187. 



Four miles north-west of Chichester is West-Stoke, the 
pleasant residence of the right honourable lord George Lennox, 
who represented this county in three parliaments, to the year 1790. 

A small distance from which, and five miles almost north 
of Chichester, is West-Dean, the seat of the right honourable lord 
Selsea. In the twenty-sixth of Edward I. a. d. 1298, Gilbert 
Pecche (baron) was summonsed to attend the king at Carlisle, 
* cum equis et armis." — In the eighth of Henry VI. (1430) John 
Peach, esquire, was sheriff of Kent at the time that Perkin Warbeck 
landed at Sandwich. He was attacked by the sheriff, routed, and 
forced to fly: 150 of his followers were taken and sent to London, 
by this valiant and vigilant magistrate, who was knighted on the 
occasion—" many of them were hung there (London,) and the 
ki rest of them on the coasts of Kent, and the neighbouring coun- 
" ties." (See Stowe's Annals, p. 4S0.) I have not the least 
doubt but lord Selsea is descended from this man of Kent, though, 
their names are spelled differently. 

There 



6©4 

There is in the vicarage garden at Bosham, at this day, a 
marble relick of great antiquity: It goes by the name of Beavois's 
head; but that is an error. It never wab designed as such. Its 
barbarous sculpture, and want of proportion, shew it to be of 
German manufacture. It appears to have been a Thor— the 
Jupiter of the antient pagan Saxons; and it may be was brought 
there by the adventurers who accompanied Ella, or those who 
followed him after he had reduced this part of the country. 



ft- , ,*,^ - ,, , 1 m , sas 



605 
CONCLUSION. 

If any indulgent reader has travelled with me 
so far over a very extensive, and sometimes a sterile 
plain, without being weary of his guide ; let me 
enjoy the satisfaction of thinking I shall induce him 
to smile at our parting, by closing my Appendix 
with an Epigram written by the late residentiary 
Mr. Clarke,* upon the Latin words inscribed on the 
Richmond vault, in the cathedral. I insert it not 
only because it relates to Chichester, but because 
it is generally esteemed one of the best epigrams 
in our language, and, what is rare indeed in an 
epigram, it is equally admirable for its wit and its 
piety. 

THE INSCRIPTION. 

<c Do?nus Ultima."— The Last House. 

" Did he, who thus inscrib'd the wall, 
Not read, or not believe saint Paul ? 
Who says there is — where'er it stands, 
Another house — not built with hands. 
Or may we gather from these words, 
That house is not a House of Lords ?" 

* Vide Kippis'sLife of Mr. Clarke, in Biogr. Britan, Vol* III. p. 6ig. 



AN ACCOUNT 
or 

ALL THE PARISHES 

IN THE 

DIOCESE of CHICHESTER ; 

With the VALUE of each in the KING'S BOOKS; 
PATRONS, 

Dedications, Appropriations, S\c. 







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the Sine Cure 
Lord Ashburnham 
Lord Pelham 
Lord Ashburnham 
Sir John Lade, baronet ^ 
Sir G. Webster, baronet 
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Prebendary of Heathfield 

— Hare Naylor, esquire 

— Lamb, esquire 
Duke of Dorset 
Lord Ashburnham 

C. Frewen. esquire, 1779 
Lord G. H. Cavendish 
Sidney College Carhb. 
Lord Ashburnham 




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